Balkan  <http://c.moreover.com/click/here.pl?r660755344> lessons  
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          Press: Commentary <http://www.heritage.org/images/6533781.gif> 

 <http://www.heritage.org/about/staff/helledale.cfm> comm: Helle Dale
Balkan lessons
October 5, 2006 |  
<http://www.heritage.org/Press/Commentary/ed100506a.cfm?RenderforPrint=1> 
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One of the most persuasive arguments why the United States cannot cut and run 
in Iraq is that a premature U.S. withdrawal would likely provoke civil war and 
ethnic cleansing on a scale that would make the Balkans pale by comparison. 
Anyone who recalls the human tragedy of the Balkan wars during the breakup of 
the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s will find that argument persuasive enough. 

Once you do get involved in some kind of nation-building capacity, you cannot 
simply quit when the going gets tough -- tempting as this may be to many here 
in Washington. Americans may be able to bring our boys home, but the people on 
the ground will live with the real and dire consequences. 

If we needed a reminder, the Balkans is back in the news, and still searching 
for a solution to the ethnic problems that have bedeviled the region. The 
status of Kosovo is still in need of a resolution with Serbia, with a 
U.S.-imposed deadline coming up at the end of this year. And elections this 
weekend in Bosnia centered on the future of Republika Srpska, which is part of 
Bosnia, but would rather prefer not to be. 

Furthermore, the European Union, which seemed at least to hold the promise of 
progress for the region, is experiencing serious enlargement fatigue. It may 
not be able to produce the carrots and incentives of inclusion in Europe's 
"club of the rich" to encourage political settlements among the remaining 
pieces of the Balkan ethnic mosaic. Romania and Bulgaria are the next countries 
in line to join, and European officials are cautioning that Croatia and Turkey, 
which are also in line, may have a long while to wait. (Of course a lot of 
Europeans would rather see Turkey never join at all.) 

EU Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso cautioned last week that the union 
risks becoming unworkable and is stretched beyond capacity. "We are not in a 
position to further integrate Europe without further institutional reform. 
There are limits to our absorption capacity," he said. At the same time, Carla 
del Ponte, U.N. war crimes prosecutor, has declared that she is not satisfied 
with the progress of Serbia in tracking down war criminals. 

Bosnia's election was a stark reminder of the range of visions for the region's 
future as leaders with totally opposing views on the country's future were 
elected to its three-party presidency. Former wartime Foreign Minister Harris 
Silajdzic, who spent untold hours here in Washington in the 1990s pleading for 
help for his country, handily won the Muslim seat on the presidency. Mr. 
Silajdzic has urged integrating Bosnia ethnically to make it one state. 
According to the Dayton Accords of 1995, it is currently divided into two 
parts, a Muslim-Croatian part on the one hand and a Serbian part on the other. 

Now, European countries are full of minority populations and former foes who 
have managed through constitutional protections to find ways of living 
together. This is a reasonable and desirable outcome that would make Bosnia a 
far more workable country. Whether it is a realistic one in the context of the 
Balkans, however, where the memory of war is still so recent and so bitter is 
much in doubt. 

This is particularly so as his Serbian counterpart Milorad Dodik has declared 
that independence for the already autonomous Serbian part of Bosnia is far from 
off the table. Just to make things more complicated than they already are, he 
threatened to tie Bosnia's future to that of Serbia itself, where the 
ethnically majority Albanian region of Kosovo is seeking independence. 

If this seems like a hopelessly tangled ethnic web, it is no coincidence. (One 
is reminded of British Lord Palmerston's comment regarding the 
Schleswig-Holstein region contested by Prussia and Denmark during the 19th 
century. "There were only three people who understood Schleswig-Holstein. One 
is dead, another one went mad, and I have forgotten.") 

Even so, it is obviously important to find livable solutions for the Balkans 
and its people, including minority rights and protections -- and not the least 
because until that happens, the United States and the EU will not be able to 
withdraw their troops. The EU still has 6,000 peacekeepers stationed in Bosnia, 
and the United States retains some 1,700 troops in Kosovo. If there are any 
lessons from the Balkans that can be applied to Iraq it is patience and the 
importance of getting a constitutional settlement right.

 <http://www.heritage.org/about/staff/helledale.cfm> Helle Dale is director of 
the Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies at the Heritage 
Foundation.

First appeared in the Washington Times


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