http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/ian_traynor/2007/01/post_873.html

The Guardian (U.K.)     January 5, 2007

   A fate as clear as mud

After a year of hopeless negotiations, the UN is preparing to pronounce on
Kosovo's future. What kind of country will it be?

Ian Traynor

 A new country called Kosovo will be born in 2007, attended by Albanian joy,
Serbian bitterness and flight, and international anxiety.  There will be
violence in the air.

 What kind of country will it be? There has been a year of hopeless
UN-mediated negotiations between Serbs and Kosovo Albanians over the status
of the contested province in the southern Balkans and, as the UN fixer,
Martti Ahtisaari, prepares to pronounce on what should become of Kosovo,
its fate is as clear as mud.

 The simplest thing that can be said of the likely outcome to an 11-week
war,
seven years of lacklustre UN administration, and a year of negotiations is
a negative - Kosovo will no longer be Serbian.

 As for the rest, the "independence" to be proposed by Ahtisaari will be
so hedged with conditions, undermined by protests, clouded by international
and diplomatic manoeuvrings and manipulations as to leave the province
a festering sore. Add Kosovo to the lengthening list of the world's
"frozen conflicts".

 This may be the very intention of Vladimir Putin who shows every sign
of blocking an international consensus and delaying or maybe vetoing a
UN security council resolution on Kosovo independence in March.

 Formally the Russians say they are against any "solution being imposed" on
the fellow Orthodox-Slav Serbs who will never accept Kosovo independence.
The Russians are also reluctant to redraw the map of the Balkans, although
that map has been comprehensively redrawn over the past 15 years.

 Both Belgrade and Moscow are currently arguing against "artificial
deadlines"
and insisting that negotiations between Serbs and Kosovan Albanians can
carry on
indefinitely.

 This is a non-starter for the Kosovans. The internationals have already put
a decision off to accommodate the Serbs (await the results of this month's
crucial elections in Serbia).  That dismayed the Albanians.  They will not
countenance further delays.

 And the Russians, as members of the "contact group" of six countries that
is steering the diplomatic process, are party to decisions and statements
over the past year that promised a resolution in 2006, said there would be
no partition of Kosovo, and ruled that any decision had to be supported
by the Kosovo majority.  That unambiguously means independence.

 If Mr Putin has now walked away from those commitments, he has his
own interests in mind in seeking what advantage he can derive from the
Kosovo conundrum, interests that have little to do with pan-Slav solidarity
or support for fellow Orthodox.

 Formally Kosovo is part of Serbia (Belgrade is offering the Kosovo
Albanians
home rule and wide-ranging autonomy, but insisting that another country
cannot
be established on "15% of its territory"), but has been under UN control and
ethnic Albanian government since the Serbs were kicked out during the 1999
war
against Nato.

 Mr Putin wants to use Kosovo as a precedent, and for the west to accept
that Kosovo represents a precedent with a view to Russia's stake in other
frozen post-Soviet conflicts, mainly in the Caucasus. Namely this is in
Abkhazia where the Russians support and facilitate a secession from Georgia;
likewise in South Ossetia, and in Transdniestria, the tiny sliver of
separatist pro-Russian Moldova maintained by Russian troops and funded
by Russian organised crime.

 The west rejects the parallel, arguing, not entirely convincingly, that
Kosovo is sui generis, a one-off that has no bearing in international law
on other secessionist conflicts.

 Yugoslavia unravelled 15 years ago.  The Serbs tried and failed to keep
as much as possible through war and ethnic pogroms.  But Slovenia, Croatia,
Bosnia, and Macedonia went their own ways.  Only last year Montenegro, too,
abandoned Serbia and struck out on its own. Kosovo is the last bit.  Why
should it be condemned to remain with Serbia when everyone else has fled,
when the province's 2 million Albanians are set against that and have been
to war to prevent it.

 The Serbian argument is to ignore the events of the past 15 years
and to insist that Kosovo was, is, and shall remain a province of Serbia,
not of former Yugoslavia.  Since there is absolutely no chance of any
meeting of minds here, Ahtisaari is charged with proposing the settlement
terms, which are rubber-stamped by the security council and then imposed.

 But the nuances and ambiguities being proposed may leave ample scope
for conflict.

 Kosovo will be taken away formally from Serbia, but its "independence" will
be conditional and supervised. Kosovo will become a ward of the European
Union
(as opposed to the UN).  Its "sovereignty" will be incomplete, in reality
non-existent.  Ultimate authority will lie with commissars from Brussels.
International recognition may be voluntary and selective.

 So Serbia refuses to recognise Kosovo, maintains its claim, tries to
pressure and bully Balkan neighbours into not recognising Kosovo.  Russia
(and probably China) do not recognise Kosovo's independence.  It is denied
a seat at the UN. The result is frustration, tension, and possible violence.

 For western policy-makers, the key aim is stability. The outcome, however,
may be months if not years of instability.

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