*Hope and fear as Europe's poorest region awaits birth of a new country*


Albanian majority hopes UN-backed blueprint will bring prosperity, but a
Serb exodus is under way

*Ian Traynor in Pristina
Tuesday February 20, 2007
The Guardian <http://www.guardian.co.uk/>*

Kosovo and Monaco have next to nothing in common. But every time you make a
mobile phone call to the majority Albanian province in the southern Balkans
you use the +377 international prefix for the millionaires' playground on
the Riviera.

"They did us a favour, they lent us their prefix," said Kosovo's minister
for the environment and spatial planning, Ardian Gjini. "But we paid dearly
for it." Tens of millions of uros every year, in fact, from the youngest and
poorest region in Europe to the wealthy principality to have a separate
telephone code to Serbia, Kosovo's intimate enemy.



It is one of the problems of not having a country to call your own. There
are plenty of others.

Queuing at Pristina airport to go to visit relatives in Zurich, Stockholm or
Frankfurt, Kosovan Albanians hold dark blue documents that look and feel
like passports. But the plastic cover bears the crest of the United Nations
and the name of a mysterious entity called "Unmik". The "Unmikians", Kosovan
Albanians, cannot get any other travel documents unless they bribe Serbian
officials to run them up a Serbian passport - €500 (£338) the going rate,
any identity you like. Few do so. More than half a million have "passports"
with the acronym for the United Nations Mission in Kosovo.

All this is about to change. In addition to its own telephone code and
passports, Kosovo is to have its own flag and constitution, a central bank
and a currency, a customs service on a new international border, an anthem,
an army and control of its own airspace.

In short, a new country is being born. "Of course, it will be better. It's
always better to have your own country," said Mustafa Blakqorri, an ethnic
Albanian who has returned from a decade in Cologne to play a small part in
building a country. "Right now everything's a disaster. But independence
will bring jobs and investment and industry."

There has never been a country called Kosovo. And in the post-colonial era
there has never been a country created in the same manner - by international
imposition and against the will of Serbia, the historical overlord of almost
two million ethnic Albanians.

In Vienna tomorrow two teams of Kosovan Albanian politicians and Serbian
officials will meet the former Finnish president and UN envoy, Martti
Ahtisaari, to try to finalise the settlement establishing this small new
state. They do so against a backdrop of rising tension over the anticipated
solution. Last night, an explosion damaged three UN vehicles in Pristina.
Nato-led peacekeepers launched an investigation; a bomb attack was not ruled
out.

Mr Ahtisaari has spent more than a year crafting the blueprint for an
independent Kosovo. The result is a masterpiece of nuanced nation-building
that creates all the conditions and rules for the new country without
declaring it independent or sovereign. The independence declaration bit will
come from Kosovo if and when the Ahtisaari plan is blessed by the UN
security council. "It's a good package, a decent compromise," said a western
diplomat in Pristina. "The Albanian side can work with it. The Serbs got
everything they asked for, but will still reject it in its entirety."

Mr Gjini has taken part in every session in Vienna in the past 14 months.
"We're mostly happy. It leaves all the doors open for the future," he said.

Zivorad Stakic disagrees. The elderly Serb from the village of Ugljare
outside Pristina complains that the Serbs of Kosovo are now to be turned
into "a minority in our own country. My father, my grandfather, my great
grandfather all lived here. And I'm a citizen of Serbia. I doubt if the
Serbs will stay here."

In his Serbian village every second house is for sale. A neighbouring
village, Serbian a decade ago, is now Albanian. Mr Blakqorri came home from
Cologne and bought out a Serbian family. Other Serb farmsteads and cottages
have been torched or dynamited.

Nato forces and UN agencies are preparing for an exodus. "We'll see a number
of Serbs leave," a senior western official said. "The Serbs of Kosovo are
scared. It might be irrational, but they fear the majority population."

For Serbia, the Ahtisaari formula is a humiliation. The independence of
Kosovo is the last act in the bloody drama of 15 years of Yugoslavia's
disintegration. But whereas the other parts of the former Yugoslavia that
are now countries were republics in the old communist federation, Kosovo was
always a province within Serbia, even after Nato drove the Serbs out eight
years ago and the region came under UN administration. Up to 150,000 Serbs
still live there.

Serbia's prime minister, Vojislav Kostunica, has ordered Kosovo's Serbs to
sever all links with Kosovan Albanian authorities. A Serb-dominated northern
stretch of the province, concentrated around the northern half of the
ethnically divided town of Mitrovica, functions essentially as part of
Serbia, which it borders. The car plates are Serbian, the currency is the
Serbian dinar. Teaching and hospital staff are paid by Belgrade, which pours
in €135m a year.

"The Ahtisaari plan will be accepted and implemented, but it will never
work," said Oliver Ivanovic, a moderate Serb politician in Mitrovica. "This
[Serb] northern bit will secede." The region is run by hardliners.
Paramilitary thugs sit in the cafes overlooking the Ibar river that divides
the town to ensure no Albanians cross over. Mitrovica follows orders from
Belgrade and few step out of line. When a Serb basketball team started
playing in the Kosovo league the coach's car was blown up.

Albanian extremists are also chafing at what they see as excessive
concessions to Serbs in the Ahtisaari plan, which provides for 10 Serb
municipalities in Kosovo, wholesale decentralisation, and Serb minority veto
rights over almost all legislation.

Albanian radicals say this is tantamount to partition and may bring war.
"Our freedom is non-negotiable. We shouldn't even be talking to the Serbs,"
said student leader Glauk Konjufca.

Tensions are rising and things could easily career out of control. "We've
had ethnic cleansing, heavy bombing, attempted genocide here," said Veton
Surroi, a Kosovan Albanian liberal politician. "The Serbs have to decide if
this is their home. We've paid a heavy price, but we're getting our
independence."

*What happens now?*

To avoid a messy and potentially violent crisis in Europe, the UN security
council has to endorse Kosovo's roadmap to independence, the Ahtisaari plan.
Russia is threatening to block it, but a promising coincidence of diplomatic
positions in the months ahead brightens the prospects for a deal. The US,
Britain, and Germany are the biggest supporters of a Kosovo state. Britain
chairs the security council in April when the plan is on the table, the
Americans in May and the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, will be hosting
the G8 and EU summits in June. Talks with Serbs and Albanians in Vienna will
run from tomorrow until March 10. The UN envoy Martti Ahtisaari, right, will
then fine-tune the plan and take it to the security council. Last week the
27 EU members backed the plan. But that consensus could fragment if there is
no security council consensus. A UN mandate is needed for the new EU mission
replacing the UN.


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