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Killing & remembering Zoran Djindjic: a loose tobacco conspiracy

  Hugh Griffiths (19 Februar, 2007 - 21:33)

  Wednesday will mark the fourth anniversary of the reported attempt to kill
  Serbian prime minister Zoran Djindjic on the road to Surcin airport. The
failure
  of the authorities to properly detain and question the driver of the truck
-
  Dejan "Bugsy" Milenkovic - was symptomatic of a string of - and I use the
term
  loosely here - intelligence failures - leading up to the actual murder on
12
  March 2003. Bugsy's premature release from custody gave ammunition to
people
  close to - and I use the term loosely here - intelligence services - who,
after
  the Djindjic murder busied themselves by alleging the other faction did
it.

  One of the stories floating around these groups was that Djindjic's
  assassination was somehow connected to Serbia's upcoming - and most
lucrative -
  privatization deal to date: the sale of the tobacco factories at Nis and
Vranje.
   These were eventually sold to Philip Morris and British American Tobacco
(BAT).
   While there is no evidence that I'm aware of to support such an
outlandish
  theory, what did become clear from talking to people around the
privatization
  deal was the intimate involvement of - and I use the term loosely here -
  diplomats - from the U.S. and U.K. These diplomats attended meetings with
  Serbian government officials to discuss the privatization, and openly
lobbied in
  favour of Phillip Morris and BAT.

  Four years on, and plus ca change.  This time it is a respected and
high-ranking
  U.S diplomat - the U.S Ambassador to Serbia himself no less - who on
  Monday issued a statement on behalf of Phillip Morris's interests, telling
the
  Serbian government that they had better "find a solution to the problem"
that
  Phillip Morris is facing. What makes this case somewhat interesting is the
fact
  that Phillip Morris's "problem" is a rules-based regional trade treaty
designed
  to hasten movement along the yellow brick road leading to EU membership.
The
  "problem" is the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) which
stipulates
  that, among other things, custom tariffs and import/export taxes have to
be
  harmonised.

  CEFTA is viewed as a good thing by many economists as an element in
Serbia's
  transition to that of a free-trading liberal democracy, part of a wider
regional
  economic area, too busy engaging in seamless free-trade to bother too much
about
  emotive issues like Kosovo and the alike. Thus one would think that the
economic
  liberalization principles of CEFTA would be warmly welcomed by the U.Sembassy
  and indeed, over the years U.S government agencies and associated NGOs in
Serbia
  have spent millions in tax dollars promoting such principles as part of
their
  democratisation programs.

  Unfortunately the CEFTA free trade arrangement threatens Phillip Morris's
  interests because, among other things, they will lose a protective import
tax
  that made buying the factory so worthwhile in the first place. Clearly,
the U.S
  Ambassador's very public call to "solve the problem" that the tax
abolition
  would cause is in no way influenced by the fact that this multinational
company
  paid millions in campaign contributions to the party of the President who
sent
  Mr. Polt to Belgrade in the first place.

  The fact that Phillip Morris employs - and I use this term here loosely -
former
  intelligence officials - who once worked for the self-same U.S government
has no
  bearing here. Such thinking would be far too cynical, no, the Ambassador
is
  merely doing his job as a diplomat - Phillip Morris is a U.S company and
the
  embassy is charged with representing U.S commercial interests in
  Serbia. Nevertheless, over the past 15 years, voters throughout the U.Sand the
  EU have elected politicians on platforms which have dramatically curbed
the
  influence of the tobacco multinationals. Thus it might seem strange to
some that
  U.S diplomats are attempting to buck this democratic, consumer-orientated
trend
  beyond the shores of the United States to ensure that one company's deadly
  product can be sold at the lowest price possible to as many as possible
for as
  long as possible.

  Others with longer memories may recall that it was precisely because of
such
  democratic, consumer-orientated trends in the U.S and the EU that forced
the
  tobacco multinationals to seek new markets in 1990s, new markets in what
we will
  charitably call less-regulated regions, like the Balkans, where hundreds
of
  thousands of tons of Phillip Morris and BAT product mysteriously found
their way
  into and out of the region, despite the crippling sanctions which helped
  pauperise a generation. They might also recall that according to some very
  detailed investigations, such activities enriched networks associated with
  nearly all the U.S's strategic adversaries between Italy and North Korea,
with
  the possible exception of the Taliban. They might also recall that
although the
  tables are now turned - Phillip Morris is threatened by CEFTA, a step
toward the
  EU - the EU has, in the past, felt threatened by Big Tobacco.

  Threatened to such an extent over tax issues that ten years ago,
  intelligence-led cross-border customs investigations were initiated
throughout
  the EU. These in turn led to inconvenient law suits in the United States
and all
  sorts of revelations.  One of these law suits was dropped when by strange
  coincidence Phillip Morris agreed to "anti-smuggling measures" and the
payment
  of up to 1.25 billion euros to the EU while stressing absolutely no
connections
  to tobacco smuggling in the Balkans whatsoever.


  Phillip Morris has linked the tax issue to jobs at the Nis plant, which
cynics
  might regard as some kind of implied threat, were it not for Phillip
  Morris's reputation as one of the most ethical companies in the world.


  For their part, U.S diplomats in Belgrade might like to reflect on past
history
  here, and whether the disparity between what has been preached and
practiced of
  late may engender further local cynicism which in turn stimulates the inat
upon
  which their declared adversaries, the Radicals, suckle.

   And the majority of Serbia's politicians, currently so publicly committed
to
  maintaining and strengthening the State of the Republic of Serbia might
like to
  reflect on whether acquiescing to a multinational's demand at the expense
of a
  step towards that Safe European Home we all dream of for our children is
really
  such a good idea. I like to think I know what Zoran would have done.

  » Hugh Griffiths |


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