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IN THE NEWS

Kosovo independence not so clear cut

By Scott Taylor
June 18, 2007


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Eight years ago today I returned home to Canada after spending more than
three weeks covering the bloody conclusion of the NATO intervention in
Kosovo. 

In total, Serbia had been subjected to 78 days of continuous aerial
bombardment by the allied air force. The original NATO timetable estimated
it would take just five days to force Serbia to withdraw their armed forces
from the disputed province of Kosovo. In the end, despite air defences that
could offer only token resistance, stubborn Serbian defiance forced NATO to
a negotiated settlement. 

My perspective on this conflict is unique as I was one of only a handful of
western journalists granted a visa from the Belgrade authorities. As such I
reported on the NATO air campaign from the Serbian perspective and
witnessed the collateral damage of innocent civilians killed by errant
bombs and endured the depravations brought about as a result of the
destruction of the power grid and water plants. 

Arriving in Pristina in advance of the NATO ground forces, I was in Kosovo
when the Russian troops defiantly took possession of the Zlatina airfield
and dared advancing British troops to ignite World War III. Thankfully,
calmer heads prevailed and NATO yielded to the Russians, but widespread
interethnic killing continued. The Serbian minority population in Kosovo
fled en masse in the wake of violent Albanian reprisals conducted without
intervention by NATO security forces. 

Under the terms of the UN resolution 1244 ceasefire agreement, Serbian
military and police forces were to withdraw from the province in exchange
for Kosovo remaining recognized as a sovereign Serbian territory. An
estimated 250,000 Serb civilians fled with the departing military columns
rather than face revenge at the hands of the Albanians. 

Of the 40,000 or so Serbs who remained in Kosovo, many paid the ultimate
price in the orgy of violence that followed NATO’s entry and the rest
banded together in protected enclaves. The 2,700 NATO accredited
journalists who rushed into Kosovo alongside the troops were quick to
proclaim victory and downplay the Albanian reprisal killings as a
justifiable settling of scores. 

In the subsequent eight-year occupation of Kosovo, it has become apparent
that the victory declarations may have been a little premature. The
continual presence of NATO troops and the virtual isolation of the Serbian
population from the Albanian majority has given Kosovo the outward
appearance of relative stability. However, as the massive pogrom into the
Serbian enclaves in March 2004 and the ongoing protests against the
international community reveal, Kosovo remains a boiling pot of
inter-ethnic hatred. Despite the best of intentions and a massive infusion
of foreign aid, Kosovo has not developed into the peaceful, prosperous
entity that was promised. 

Many observers in the international community, in particular the UN police
force, realize that granting Kosovo independence at this stage would be
premature. While U.S. President George Bush is backing the Albanian Kosovo
independence movement, this is more driven by the hard-pressed American
military necessity to close the books on at least one conflict rather than
on common sense.

Even UN special envoy Martti Ahtisaari has recommended that any
independence granted to Kosovo should still be supervised by the
international community. As the pogrom of April 2004 clearly illustrated,
the Albanians have no intention of allowing the few remaining Serbs to
reside peacefully in their Kosovo enclaves. Should George Bush get his wish
and Kosovo becomes truly independent in the near future, the final Serbian
residents will be wise to depart with the last of the NATO soldiers.

If that transpires, then NATO’s intervention in 1999 to prevent ethnic
cleansing will have resulted in the most thoroughly ethnically cleansed
region in the entire world.

A victory worth remembering.

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