All these analyses are a bull shit. Kosovo is an integral part of
Serbia, Serbia is a sovereign country and that is all. Siptars can claim
all they want but legally they can dispose of all "human rights" except
the independence.Serbs should insist haevilly on independence of Bosnian
Serbs and those from Croatia, where they are a second class inhabitants.



  ----- Original Message -----
  From: "ANTIC.org-SNN"
  To: "'Balkan News'" , [Е-ПОШТА 
ЗАШТИЋЕНА], 
[Е-ПОШТА 
ЗАШТИЋЕНА],
  "'SerbianNewsNetwork'" , [email protected],
  [Е-ПОШТА 
ЗАШТИЋЕНА], "'YUGO'"
  Subject: [sorabia] Lack of clear solution for Kosovo
  Date: Mon, 13 Aug 2007 20:08:10 -0400

  Columbia Missourian

  _____

  Lack of clear solution for Kosovo

  By BYRON SCOTT

  August 13, 2007

  Byron Scott: Our discussion today is about a crisis that some experts
  say began 20 years ago this month with a speech in the Field of
  Blackbirds, where in 1389 a Serbian army lost to an Ottoman army but
  where 20 years ago a man named Slobodan Milosevic declared the unity,
  the independence and the pride of Yugoslavia. We’re talking about
  the last chapter of that, what threatens to become a stalemate in the
  Balkans, efforts to stabilize the region of Kosovo and perhaps give
  it independence. Let’s begin with a status report. Where do efforts
  currently stand to resolve the situation in Kosovo, a region of about
  2 million people?
  Dukagjin Gorani, director of development, Kosovo Institute of
  Journalism, Pristina, Kosovo: A stalemate is taking place now.
  Negotiations took place last year in Vienna, Austria, among the
  international community, which resulted in a proposal for a form of
  supervised independence. However, it was hotly rejected by Belgrade
  at the local level and was strongly rejected by Moscow at the
  international level. We are about to see a continuation of
  negotiations and eventually a period in which something acceptable to
  all parties would be defined.
  Scott: When we mention the international community, we mean
  specifically the United Nations, which has helped govern Kosovo since
  the 1999 NATO bombings, the European Union, the United States and
  Russia, which along with Serbia opposes the current plan. Why is
  there opposition?
  Dragan Stavljanin, Balkan service broadcaster, Radio Free
  Europe/Radio Liberty, Prague, Czech Republic: When negotiations about
  Kosovo started about a year and a half ago, Russia was relatively
  calm, but about six months ago Russian President Vladimir Putin
  stated that an independent Kosovo would set a precedent and therefore
  Russia is strongly opposed. Many see Russian opposition as political
  leverage in its international approach.
  Scott: When you speak of precedent you mean, for example, Chechnya?
  Stavljanin: Russia probably sees Kosovo’s independence as a
  precedent for all countries, not only Chechnya.
  Scott: Wasn’t such a precedent set about a year ago with the
  separation of Montenegro from Serbia? Is a similarly peaceful process
  possible in Kosovo?
  Gorani: Belgrade’s Serb side would remark that the situation in
  Montenegro wasn’t exactly the same because Montenegro was already a
  republic, which was already in a union with Serbia under the former
  Yugoslavia. It did have the same constitutional rights, while Kosovo
  was an autonomous province deemed undividable from Serbia proper.
  However, the aggression and the repression since 1989 did change the
  political topography. Kosovo’s independence is seen as a logical
  outcome for a future stability. There can’t be any natural
  discussion about Kosovo returning to Serbia in any way that is also
  accepted by the Belgrade government when it came up with the option
  of Kosovo having an independent status within Serbia. In Russia,
  Kosovo is seen as a lever to be used to call shots in the
  international scene.
  Scott: Another player that we haven’t mentioned yet is Albania. I
  believe about 90 percent of Kosovars are ethnic Albanians. What is
  the potential or imagined role of Albania?
  Gorani: Historically, there were attempts to identify
  Kosovo-Albanians as an amputated part of the state Albania, but there
  is no political program or willingness to see Kosovo united with
  Albania to create a pure nation-state of Albanians. Kosovo-Albanians
  were basically pushed to become an independent entity because of the
  aggression that took place that destroyed Yugoslavia. The question
  now is how Kosovo can become independent and still retain levels of
  power in the region. For Belgrade, that means how to reassure the
  Serbian public that with Kosovo gone there would still be life in
  Serbia. For Kosovo-Albanians, the most important thing is how to
  retain power, although independence for Kosovo would not
  automatically mean a creation of another nation-state but simply an
  internationally supervised civilian state in which people would be
  defined as citizens rather than being looked on through ethnic lines.
  Also, partition of Kosovo would open up very serious territorial
  issues throughout former Yugoslavia and could very easily become an
  issue of redefinition of the borders of former Yugoslavia along
  ethnic lines. If it comes to partition, northern Kosovo, the bulk of
  which is inhabited by predominately the Serb community, would go back
  to Serbia. But there are several really serious areas which are
  inhabited by Albanians in Montenegro, Serbia proper and Macedonia
  which will seek to unite in one single country and eventually destroy
  the stability of the region. So, the question is how to create an
  independent Kosovo that everybody is happy with.
  Scott: As the diplomats say, what is “the way forward”? How do we
  get out of this stalemate?
  Stavljanin: If Kosovo is to become independent and be able to
  maintain control, the only solution is not redoing the Albanian
  territory along ethnic lines but is for the European Union on the day
  Kosovo becomes independent, to admit Kosovo as a full member.
  Scott: Is the ball in the EU’s court?
  Gorani: Kosovo and the former Yugoslavia were always an issue for
  Europe. The problem was that Europe, at the time of the conflict in
  Yugoslavia, was incapable of intervening, which made the wars in
  Yugoslavia a global and international issue. Again, the ball is being
  brought up into the EU’s yard. The Balkan region, the region of the
  former Yugoslavia, will have to be systematically ushered into the
  EU, which could put an end to conflicts based on ethnic intolerance
  and nationalism. However, the EU process is slower than was predicted
  a few years ago. There have been setbacks with the EU Constitution
  with issues of enlargement. That means that there would be a vacuum
  of some years until the region falls within the EU as an integral
  part. In the meantime, there has to be some sort of a temporary
  status and guaranteed stability for Kosovo. Having a status agreement
  would help all parties, primarily the international community which
  also has to heal some of the wounds caused by military intervention
  and overlooking of international law. But it doesn’t take more than
  a few years of instability and intolerance to have yet another
  volatile and hostile situation.
  Scott: What should we expect to be the status of this situation a
  year from now?
  Stavljanin: Probably a solution will be brought about, but it will
  not be a clear solution. It will be a temporal solution in which
  Kosovars will have a right to govern themselves, but legally it will
  not mean exactly that. There won’t be a sustained or enforceable
  solution.
  Gorani: By next year, Kosovars will live in the belief that they have
  gained an independent state, but it will be a matter of
  interpretation. For Kosovo-Albanians, that will mean having an
  independent state of their own while waiting to become part of the
  EU. To Serbs, that could be a very fluid and very unacceptable form
  of some autonomy, which would be internationally supervised. To
  Belgrade, Kosovo would still be perceived as an area that was
  hijacked through military intervention of the West. Kosovo’s status
  will become a matter of interpretation until this whole region
  finally starts the accession process.
  Scott Afterword: Every time the West forgets the Balkans, the age-old
  tensions seem to erupt. The Kosovo stalemate is a real test for the
  EU but not something for the U.S. to forget. “Kosovo Polye”
  otherwise known as “The Field of Blackbirds” is where we all, to
  some extent, live.

  Producers of Global Journalist are Missouri School of journalism
  graduate students John Amick,
  Devin Benton and Catherine Wolf.

  
http://www.columbiamissourian.com/stories/2007/08/13/lack-clear-solution-kosovo/

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