Serbia lashes out at NATO

Serbia veers away from NATO using hard-hitting rhetoric and accusations, with 
the prime minister saying the country could not join hands with an alliance 
that bombed its territory.


Tuesday, September 18, 2007

By Igor Jovanovic 

Eight years after NATO bombed Serbia in order to halt clashes between Serbia 
and ethnic Albanians in Kosovo and force Serbian security forces out of the 
province, Serbian nationalists in Belgrade and NATO are once again at 
loggerheads.

And as Belgrade slowly moves away from NATO, most analysts here say Serbia is 
setting down a dangerous road toward isolation.

Meanwhile, the piercing rhetoric of certain Serbian ministers directed against 
NATO threatens to cause serious conflicts within the ruling coalition in 
Belgrade.

The exchange of accusations on the Belgrade-NATO front started with a series of 
statements by ministers from Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica's 
Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS). They accused the US and NATO of trying to 
create "the first NATO state in the world" on the territory of the southern 
Serbian province by advocating independence for Kosovo.

According to the Serbian ministers, the foundations for that state lay in UN 
special envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan, which foresees no civil control over 
NATO troops in Kosovo.

In early February, after nearly a year of fruitless negotiations between 
Belgrade and Pristina on the status of Kosovo, Ahtisaari unveiled a plan that 
envisages internationally supervised independence for Kosovo.

Ahtisaari proposed a phased transition to independence, initially supervised by 
an EU bureaucrat and protected by NATO forces, which currently has 17,000 
soldiers there.

The plan was backed by the Washington and Pristina and rejected by Belgrade and 
Moscow. Because of threats of a Russian veto, it was impossible to pass the 
resolution on Kosovo in the UN Security Council, and the negotiations were 
turned over to the Contact Group for Kosovo, which appointed three mediators 
for new talks between Belgrade and Pristina.

The so-called troika is to submit a report on the new negotiations to the UN 
secretary general by 10 December.


Joining the enemy?


Both NATO and the US have brushed off the accusations from Belgrade.

James Appathurai, spokesman for the NATO secretary-general, expressed "concern 
and disappointment over certain comments that have been coming from Serbia 
lately." Appathurai said that statements about the creation of a NATO state in 
Kosovo were "nonsense" and "neither welcome nor constructive."

Kostunica's party responded by saying it was against Serbia joining NATO. The 
party's new program, unveiled in early September, says that Serbia should 
become a member of NATO's Partnership for Peace program (PfP), but not of the 
alliance itself.

In a recent party briefing, Kostunica said he opposed Serbia's NATO membership 
and that the country should stay militarily neutral, stressing that such a move 
was in the interest of the state.

"How can Serbia join the military alliance which first bombed us, then, 
bypassing the UN Security Council, sent its military forces to Kosovo, and 
threatens to recognize Kosovo's unilateral independence?" the prime minister 
asked.

The party also proposed to have Serbia's potential membership in any military 
alliance checked in a referendum.

Furthermore, Kostunica's party warned of the "danger" of Kosovo Albanians 
declaring independence unilaterally after 10 December, and of that independence 
being recognized by the US.

As a potential countermeasure, the DSS proposed to its ruling coalition 
partners the adopt of a decision in the Serbian Parliament that Serbia could 
join NATO.

According to the latest public opinion polls, some 50 percent of citizens 
oppose NATO membership, 32 percent support it, while 15 percent have no stance. 
At the same time, some 70 percent favor EU membership.


Bad blood


Back in 1999, Serbian authorities, led by Slobodan Milosevic, sued 17 NATO 
member countries for the bombing of military and civilian targets in Serbia and 
Montenegro. However, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), where the suit 
was filed in December 2004, dismissed the case arguing that it did not have 
jurisdiction over the matter, as Serbia was not a UN member at the time, and 
was only recognized one year later.

Belgrade accused NATO member countries of violating Serbian sovereignty and 
breaking international obligations since the strikes were not authorized by a 
UN Security Council resolution.

Human Rights Watch estimates that between March and June 1999 some 500 
civilians were killed as a result of the NATO bombing campaign.

Most Belgrade analysts described the actions by certain Belgrade government 
officials as hasty and potentially harmful for Serbia.

Belgrade analyst Zoran Dragisic told ISN Security Watch that such damage was 
"suicidal" and "would cost Serbia dearly in all areas."

Military analyst Aleksandar Radic echoed those sentiments. He told ISN Security 
Watch that Serbian was wandering along a dangerous divisive path.

"This is a very serious and long-term issue that will reflect on Serbia's 
reality in the years when the Kosovo problem is solved," he said. Radic warned 
that if Serbia pushed NATO away, given that the alliance offered guarantees for 
security in Kosovo, it would not have the moral right to call for the 
protection of Kosovo Serbs.


Cozying up to Russia


But plenty of analysts disagree with this assessment.

Analyst Slobodan Antonic, in his column in the Belgrade daily Politika, said 
the US and EU were pushing Serbia away, and that certain countries were trying 
to strip Serbia of a portion of the territory it considered its cradle (Kosovo) 
and expected Belgrade to take it calmly. According to him, this pushes Serbia 
toward Russia, but also jeopardizes democracy in the country.

Former US ambassador to Belgrade William Montgomery points out the nature of 
the association between Serbia and Russia. In an article written for Belgrade's 
B92 website, Montgomery said that the DSS' rhetoric reflected Russian President 
Vladimir Putin's vision of the world. Russia, by demonstrating its strength, 
aimed to create an alliance of states that had just one thing in common - 
disliking the US, he wrote.

But economic interests are also becoming a link between Moscow and Belgrade. 
Serbia is facing the privatization of large state-controlled companies, in 
which the Russians are very interested. Russian billionaire Oleg Deripaska 
talked with Kostunica before the calling of the tender for a copper mine in the 
Serbian town of Bor, in which Deripaska's company is also taking part.

Russian air carrier Aeroflot representatives visited Kostunica prior to the 
beginning of the sale of Serbian air carrier JAT Airways, while Lukoil is 
mentioned as one of the potential buyers of the Serbian oil company NIS. But 
the Russians have not invested much money in Serbia so far. The leading 
investors are precisely members of NATO - Norway and the US.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov recently said that Moscow would not 
haggle over the US anti-missile shield in Europe and the status of Kosovo. 
Georgian Foreign Minister Gela Bezhuashvili also tackled the possible reasons 
for Russia's interest in Kosovo, telling the German media that the recognition 
of an independent Kosovo outside of the UN could destabilize the entire 
Caucasus.

The Georgian foreign minister said Russia would then "probably recognize the 
Georgian province of Abkhazia," which would also be "a precedent for the 
separatist groups in the Russian part of northern Caucasus."

The Russian envoy in the troika for Kosovo, Aleksandr Botsan-Kharchenko, echoed 
this sentiment, saying that the Kosovo case could create a dangerous precedent. 
"Of course, that precedent can be used in other regions as well, where there 
are so-called frozen conflicts," Kharchenko told Russian news agency Interfax.


Internal rifts


Kostunica's strong policy on NATO has also led to rifts between the Serbian 
ruling coalition partners, where nationalist and radicals are against NATO 
membership while moderate parties believe that membership is in the state's 
interest.

The prime minister's DSS, the opposition Serbian Radical Party (SRS) and 
Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), formerly led by the late Milosevic, oppose 
NATO membership, while the Democratic Party (DS), G17 Plus and Liberal 
Democratic Party (LDP) support alliance membership.

The strongest member of the coalition, formed in May, Serbian President Boris 
Tadic’s Democratic Party, did not miss the opportunity to point out that its 
priorities were both EU and Euro-Atlantic integrations.

"[…] Serbia's strategic goal is for its army to be an active participant in 
Euro-Atlantic integration and the Partnership for Peace, and to be honored and 
respected among its friends and allies," the president said at an army ceremony 
in Belgrade on 15 September.

Democratic Party whip Nada Kolundzija said that in resolving the Kosovo issue 
Serbia should count on as many countries as possible, not make enemies. She 
urged all Serbian parties to refrain from using the problem of Kosovo to 
forward their own interests.

Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic, Tadic's close associate, also reacted by 
warning the government that the anti-NATO rhetoric coming from certain members 
of the DSS had caused concern among Serbia's partners and the EU.

"Even countries with whom Serbia has traditionally had good relations have 
indicated concern over Belgrade's new foreign policy course," Jeremic told B92.

The head of the European Commission's delegation in Belgrade, Josep Lloveras, 
warns that the problems in Belgrade-NATO relations could affect Serbia's 
European integration, adding that although these processes are separate, they 
are nonetheless related.

Referring to Serbia's "anti-NATO rhetoric," Lloveras said in a statement that 
"Serbia will decide by herself on her future relations with NATO. But both 
processes should be regarded as coherent, or rather, complementary."

After all that, the DSS proposed the postponement of the presidential and local 
elections, which are to be called in 2007, for the period after the resolution 
of Kosovo's status. Tadic's Democrats interpreted this as a heavy blow, because 
they planned to make Tadic their candidate in the election.

They believe Tadic stands a much greater chance of victory against the SRS 
candidate before the end of the year and the resolving of the Kosovo issue. The 
entire matter brings the most benefit to the ultranationalist radicals, the 
single strongest party in Serbia.

With bickering within the ruling bloc and the resolving of Kosovo's status, 
time in Serbia is on the radicals' side.

 

Igor Jovanovic is a Belgrade-based correspondent for  <http://www.isn.ethz.ch> 
ISN Security Watch, where this article was published.

http://www.speroforum.com/site/article.asp?idarticle=11060



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