http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/?p=416

Kosovo as a Symbol of Anti-Postmodernism
by Srdja Trifkovic
A nation’s cultural space is marked by its spiritual fruits and not by the 
frontier posts. It is possible to maintain a cultural space devoid of territory 
(the Jews). It is also possible to lose that space under the auspices of an 
ostensibly functioning state—and nominally still a nation-state at that!—as is 
happening in today’s Western Europe. The Serbs are currently facing an ongoing 
reduction of their physical space to the point where the reliquiae reliquiarum 
of their demographically exhausted state will comprise only those lands on 
which nobody else can establish any kind of claim. They are also facing a 
simultaneous Western demand to accept and absorb postmodern cultural matrices 
in order to prove their fitness for the allegedly desirable political and 
economic integration into “Europe”—which is constantly used as misleading 
shorthand for the European Union.
The upholders of postmodernia see continued existence of a distinctly Serb 
cultural space, based on pre-modern assumptions and sensibility, as an 
unpardonable anachronism and a source of potential future contagion in those 
lands (Germany, Sweden, or Holland, for instance) where the grand 
Gleichschaltung has been completed. No defiant village that remembers old songs 
and myths, that remembers ancestors and celebrates old battles, is allowed to 
remain in the shadow of Euro-legions.
In the meantime, Europe of the old EU “core” is rapidly morphing into the 
cultural wasteland in which historical amnesia and esthetic relativism are 
promoted to the detriment of creativity: there is no French writer worth 
reading today, no Dutch painter worth sponsoring, no German composer worth 
hearing. If the process is so far advanced in those countries that used to 
define “the West” or “Europe,” the promoters of the Frankfurtian Long March 
rightly hope that Serbia, too, will relent and replace her obsolete and 
oh-so-dangerous mythical consciousness with a new, global one. They claim that 
only by discarding the burden of their mythologized history, and the illusion 
that they are in any way special—except, perhaps, in the magnitude of their 
crimes— can the Serbs become “normal” and cease to be a danger to their 
neighbors and to themselves. Only de-Serbianized can they embark on the road to 
“Euro-Atlantic integrations” and
 “start living like all other normal people.”
Blissfully unaware of the cultural tectonic shift that has taken place in “the 
West,” many Serbian political leaders, analysts and institutions in their 
contacts with the Western elite class keep invoking four sets of arguments in 
support of their position that Kosovo ought to remain part of Serbia:
1. Historical: Kosovo was the heartland of the Serbian medieval state;
2. Cultural: in Kosovo there are many priceless monuments of Serbian art and 
architecture that define Serbia’s contribution to the common European heritage;
3. Spiritual: Kosovo is “Serbia’s Jerusalem”;
4. Civilizational: Kosovo should not fall to the insurgent jihad.
The irony of the Serbian predicament is that they still imagine they are 
talking to the Westerners of another era, the era that had produced Nixon and 
Reagan, de Gaulle and Mitterand, Adenauer and Schmidt, Rebecca West and Alfred 
Sherman . . . and others of the generation born between, roughly, in the 
quarter-century before 1920, with whom such arguments could be reasonably 
expected to resonate.
The problem is that they are all dead, and have been replaced in the positions 
of political and cultural influence by the new, post-modern breed of Westerner. 
He is distinguished from his predecessor exactly by rejecting the value and 
importance of the historical, cultural, spiritual, and civilizational legacy of 
our common civilization.
These new ruling elites of Western Europe and North America have nurtured a 
number of fatal weaknesses in their own societies, including both the primary 
cause—which is the loss of Christian faith—and a number of secondary ones, 
including hostility to all forms of solidarity of the ethnically European and 
traditionally Christian communities based on their common ancestry and culture; 
the loss of a sense of place and history; rapid demographic decline, probably 
irreversible and unparalleled in history; rampant Third World immigration, 
especially from the Islamic world; imposition of “diversity,” 
“multiculturalism” and “sensitivity” that promotes alien cultures and 
lifestyles to the detriment of traditional European, Christian models; and last 
but by no means least, demonization and criminalization of any opposition to 
the above.
To the postmodern Western mindset, those who argue that they should be entitled 
to keep a land because they have a centuries-long historical bond to it, 
because their ancestors had built lovely Christian churches in it, because its 
heritage underpins their moral code and spirituality based on Christian 
martyrdom, and because they are defending themselves against an aggressive and 
resurgent Islam . . . anyone who makes those argument is unconsciously 
arguing—in the eyes of the new elite—in favor of having that territory taken 
away. The Serbs’ arguments—especially when presented eloquently and 
logically—only prove that Kosovo and Metohija must be detached from Serbia 
permanently as that is the only way to cure Serbia from such unhealthy, 
“un-European” atavisms. Whatever is said to support the historical, cultural, 
spiritual and civilizational right of Serbia to Kosovo is received among the 
Western elite class as yet further proof why Kosovo
 must be given to the Albanians, who, by virtue of being overwhelmingly Muslim 
(of the allegedly “moderate” variety) are perceived as perfectly natural allies 
of the Western elite class.
To explore the self-hate and the related Islamophilia of the Western elite 
class there is no need to dwell on the hypocrisy and outright criminality of 
the Western policy in Kosovo, Bosnia, Chechnya, Cyprus, and other hotspots 
where Islam confronts traditionally Christian communities. Let us look instead 
at the manifestations of the Western elite class’s pathology in their own 
countries, or—to be more precise—in the countries over which they rule but to 
which they no longer feel any natural bond of kinship and obligation.
The present technological, cultural and financial strength of Europe is a 
façade that conceals an underlying moral and demographic weakness. Its dynamics 
have the potential to eventually destroy Europe before this century is over. 
The symptoms of the malaise go hand-in-hand with the expansion of the European 
Union, a transnational hyper-state that replicates, within Europe, the elite 
mindset prevalent in the United States.
Europe’s demographic self-annihilation is a phenomenon of world-historical 
proportions. The collective death wish, epitomized by the Pill, abortion, 
deviant sexuality, promiscuity, and euthanasia, means that Europe’s population 
has aged to such a degree that it will continue to shrink even in the unlikely 
event that birthrates rebound to replacement level. On current form, by the end 
of this century there will be no “Europeans” as members of ethnic groups that 
share the same language, culture, history, and ancestors, and inhabit lands 
associated with their names. The shrinking native populations, in the meantime, 
are being indoctrinated into believing—or else simply cajoled into 
accepting—that the demographic shift is actually a blessing that enriches their 
societies. Europe is losing the ability to define and defend itself, to the 
benefit of unassimilable multitudes filled with contempt for the host-society. 
One consequence is that active
 Jihadist networks now exist in every country west of the former Iron Curtain.
The capital of the European elite class is Brussels, the headquarters of the 
European Union, which has decreed that member countries of the European Union 
no longer make the law on their immigration policies. The notion of 
assimilation into the host society was no longer entertained even as a 
theoretical objective. To understand this malaise it is essential to understand 
“Brussels.” It is no longer just a city and the capital of a somewhat amorphous 
West European state without a real national identity, held together by 
opportunism and corruption. Belgium is the EU in microcosm, and “Brussels” has 
come to denote the EU as an institution, an outlook and a way of life.
A century ago Europe’s ruling classes shared social commonalities that could be 
observed in Monte Carlo, Carlsbad, or Paris, depending on the season. Their 
lingua franca was French. Englishmen, Russians, or Austrians shared the same 
outlook and sense of propriety, but they nevertheless remained rooted in their 
national traditions. Today’s “United Europe” is light years away from that a 
century ago. It does not create social and civilizational commonalities, except 
on the basis of wholesale denial of old inherited values and “traditional” 
culture. It creates cultural similarity that has morphed into dreary sameness 
of anti-discriminationism. In Brussels, decision-makers’ attitudes may differ 
according to age and bureaucratic rank, but not according to their inherited 
cultural traits. They read the same books, watch the same movies, eat the same 
food, think the same thoughts, and write similar memos. They are 
post-nationalists who subscribe
 to the view that the duty of the member states is to “facilitate the 
achievement of the Union’s tasks and refrain from any measure which could 
jeopardize the attainment of the Union’s objectives.” Their Union is founded on 
“the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the 
rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons 
belonging to minorities.” These values “are common to the Member States in a 
society in which pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity, 
and equality between women and men prevail.”
An ideological commitment to neoliberal globalization has turned 
multiculturalism and open-ended Muslim immigration into two inviolable 
Euro-dogmas. They are pursued independently of any electoral test. National 
elections do not mean much anyway in the EU, where unaccountable bureaucracies 
commandeer the most important decisions and policies that would not survive the 
test of popular opinion are simply instituted by administrative fiat. The 
Euro-elites trust that a deprived mass culture and mass indoctrination in state 
schools will neutralize any lingering sense of historical and cultural 
continuity. They will never admit that they played the Russian roulette and 
lost. The roll-call of European-born Jihadists only confirms the failure.
Both Europe’s multilateralists and Washingtonian neoconservatives share the 
same distaste for traditional, naturally evolving societies and cultures. 
Divisions between them refer not to the common goal of advancing a global 
revolutionary project but only to the ways and means of doing so. The end of 
the Cold War has cleared the way for the rise of a new global empire, and the 
realization that new possibilities were on offer to the revolutionaries who 
wanted to move beyond the Gramscian “long march.”
Even if the Serbs are robbed of Kosovo, Islam will not thank the West. There 
will be no synthesis, no civilizational cross-fertilization, between Europe and 
Islam. It’s kto-kogo. As things stand now the outcome appears almost fatally 
preordained. The tradition of a peasantry ruled by its “betters” has been 
turned on its head: in Europe most nations want to defend themselves—even the 
ultra-tolerant Dutch have seen the light after Theo van Gogh’s murder—but 
cannot do so because they are hamstrung by a ruling class composed of 
guilt-ridden self-haters and appeasers. Their hold on the political power, the 
media, and the academe is undemocratic, unnatural, obscene. If Europe is to 
survive they need to be unmasked for what they are: traitors to their nations 
and their culture. If Europe is to survive, they must be replaced by people 
ready and willing to subject the issues of immigration and identity to the test 
of democracy, unhindered by
 administrative or judicial fiat.
For those reasons too, Serbia must not give up Kosovo. By giving it up it would 
encourage the spirit that seeks the death of Europe and its surrender to the 
global totalitarianism of Muhammad’s successors. Not for the first time, in 
Kosovo the Serbs are fighting a fight that is not theirs alone.
*************************************

Dr. S. Trifkovic, Foreign Affairs Editor
CHRONICLES: A Magazine of American Culture
http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/?cat=4

www.trifkovic.mysite.com


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