http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/apr/01/mary.kaldor.interview
 
Interview: Mary Kaldor
'The international community makes a terrible mess wherever it goes'
The activist, academic and author Mary Kaldor tells Mark Tran why the security 
of individuals should come before the security of the state
Mark Tran 
guardian.co.uk, 
Tuesday April 1 2008 
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This article was first published on guardian.co.uk on Tuesday April 01 2008. It 
was last updated at 14:51 on April 01 2008.
 
The flag of Kosovo. Photograph: Vassil Donev/ EPA
Mary Kaldor admits that some of her ideas on international security sound 
utopian – a word that crops up several times in her latest book - but she 
insists the world needs utopias.
"After the end of communism we rejected utopias, but not being utopian is 
equally problematic," she says. "We need a set of beliefs to guide human 
society."
Human Security distils Kaldor's thinking on global civil society, just war, 
human rights and humanitarian intervention, subjects that have absorbed her in 
an academic career stretching back to the 1970s.
Her first job was at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 
where she compiled the first statistics on the arms trade, before moving to 
Sussex University where she worked on the economics of the arms race and the 
social aspects of military technology. 
In the 1980s, Kaldor - who went on her first demonstration against nuclear 
weapons when she was nine - became involved in the peace movement that opposed 
the deployment of US cruise missiles by the Reagan administration in western 
Europe. The movement was deeply influenced by the Marxist historian EP 
Thompson, who introduced Kaldor to what she describes as "the idea of politics 
from below and history from below".
Kaldor is now a professor and director of the Centre for the Study of Global 
Governance at the London School of Economics. Her father, Nicholas Kaldor, was 
also a distinguished academic, one of the foremost Cambridge economists in the 
postwar period.
The subjects in Human Security may sound nebulous, but Kaldor is very much an 
activist academic, keen to see her ideas put into practice. Policymakers take 
her seriously. Javier Solana, the EU's foreign policy chief, asked her to 
convene a study group on European security that produced a report called A 
Human Security Doctrine for Europe and a follow-on report, the European Way of 
Security. 
When we meet at her office at the LSE, Kaldor has just returned from Kosovo, 
which a few weeks earlier declared independence from Serbia. Kosovo, deeply 
divided along ethnic lines with Serbs effectively partitioning the north and 
isolating themselves in enclaves in the south, is shaping up to be a major 
challenge for the EU.
In many ways Kosovo represents a laboratory for Kaldor's thinking on human 
security, which she defines as the security of individuals and communities 
rather than the security of states. This security of individuals is a 
fundamental thread in Kaldor's work - its utopian aspect.
For Kaldor, humanitarian intervention and international peacekeeping involve "a 
genuine belief in the equality of all human beings; and this entails a 
readiness to risk lives of peacekeeping troops to save the lives of others 
where this is necessary".
In Kosovo, the EU is replacing a UN mission that has alienated the majority 
Albanian population. The thrust of the 1,800-strong EU mission on policing and 
the rule of law bears the hallmarks of Kaldor's thinking. Making up the mission 
will be police, judges, lawyers, and administrators.
But there is many a slip twixt cup and lip. What sounds good on paper, such as 
the creation of a gender and human rights unit in Kosovo, can become just 
another exercise in box-ticking, Kaldor laments.
"You have a concept like human security and it gets translated into 
bureaucratic guidelines," she says. Kaldor is worried that the UN and the EU 
are not working together to prevent de facto partition of this state of 2 
million, as ethnic power-sharing was built into the plan drawn up by the UN 
special envoy on Kosovo, Marti Ahtissari.
More generally, the gap between the ideal of human security and the facts on 
the ground poses a conundrum of which Kaldor is all too aware.
"The international community makes a terrible mess wherever it goes," Kaldor 
admits, a sentiment she spells out in stark terms early on in her book.
"It is hard to find a single example of humanitarian intervention during the 
1990s that can be unequivocally declared a success. Especially after Kosovo, 
the debate about whether human rights can be enforced through military means is 
ever more intense. Moreover, the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, which have been 
justified in humanitarian terms, have further called into question the case for 
intervention."
A crucial and recurring problem for those who intervene, even those with the 
best of intentions, says Kaldor, is the psychological distance and the cultural 
barriers between the so-called internationals and the local population. Kaldor 
remembers an instance in Iraq where she was appalled by the insensitivity and 
arrogance of a young, uneducated American talking down to a highly qualified 
Iraqi with a Phd. While this was an extreme example, she sees the same dynamics 
in Kosovo and Afghanistan.
"Internationals are a breed apart," Kaldor says. "Wherever they go, they become 
isolated from the local community. It's as if they are taking part in a movie 
or are on holiday, recreating a lifestyle they bring with them. The interesting 
thing about imperialism and why it lasted a very long time was that it had 
local support. The imperialists were so few in number they had to rely heavily 
on the local population."
In the final chapter of her book, Kaldor sets out her framework for a new 
approach to security, encapsulated by the term human security, involving a big 
shift in military strategy where the primary goal would be to protect civilians 
rather than defeat an adversary.
"Of course sometimes it is necessary to try to capture or even defeat 
insurgents but this has to be seen as a means to an end, civilian protection, 
rather than the other way around," Kaldor writes. "So-called collateral damage 
is unacceptable."
While some may dismiss this as designer warfare, Kaldor insists some in the 
military get it, and says this view of warfare does require a big cognitive 
shift. 
Kaldor believes such changes are already taking place in American thinking, and 
points to General David Petraeus, the top US military commander in Iraq. But in 
an interview last year with the Democratyia journal, she said it was a tragedy 
that he was pushing new ideas at a time when the US had been so discredited in 
Iraq.
Actually, the new thinking is a case of going back to the future. The model for 
the human security approach to war lies in Northern Ireland, which saw a "new 
war" without clear battle lines in contrast to "old wars" such as the second 
world war.
"The British developed a response that reflected the fact that the inhabitants 
of Northern Ireland were British citizens (and voters) and that therefore their 
protection had to come first. Bombing Belfast was not an option. In effect, 
this principle implies that everyone is treated as a citizen."
Kaldor pins a lot of hope on the EU to pursue this notion of human security, 
with its 1.8 million under arms, and with the capacity - notwithstanding its 
divisions - to act more effectively than the unwieldy UN. Kaldor acknowledges 
that the book is a normative project and that the world will not necessarily 
move in the way she desires.
"But the more we move towards these trends," she says, "the more likely we are 
to live in a better place."
· Human Security: Reflections on Globalisation and Intervention, by Mary 
Kaldor, is published by Polity Press.
 
 


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