And Tadic believe that this kind of EU will admit Serbia as one of its members? 
He certainly knows that it will never happen, but continues to mislead the 
Serbs.
==

...“The stakes are much too high. Even Germany recognizes that you couldn't 
allow the euro zone to break up in any way. The consequences for any country to 
drop out would be horrendous. Its financial system would be destroyed.”..."
 

http://www.reportonbusiness.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20081107.wrcover1108/BNStory/Business/home 
European (dis)union
It's been 10 years since the birth of the euro zone, and the dream of global 
economic clout. But now the blanket is tearing, threatening a disastrous 
derailment of the monetary union
        *  Article      *  Comments (104)       * 
BRIAN MILNER AND SUSAN SACHS
>From Saturday's Globe and Mail
November 7, 2008 at 9:53 PM EST
TORONTO AND PARIS — Two or three times a week, Laurence Humeau trudges to the 
jobs centre near her home in southeast Paris and waits her turn to scroll 
through the offerings at one of the countertop computers. She has been coming 
for eight months and never has the wait been longer.
“Welcome to the economic crisis,” said Ms. Humeau, a 29-year-old former 
barmaid, cashier and telemarketer who had to move back in with her parents 
after her last temporary job ended. “Every day it's more crowded here because 
every day more of us are being put out on the street.”
The busy Tolbiac neighbourhood jobs centre, a cheerless place of harsh 
fluorescent lights and bare walls, is a bellwether of the recession settling 
over France and the rest of the Europe.
Financial and economic misery stretches across the length and breadth of the 
region. While much of the global concern has focused on Wall Street and the 
U.S. economy, the situation in Europe is even worse. No country has been 
spared, as the credit crisis has burst bubbles created by cheap debt, flattened 
business and consumer spending, and compounded existing structural problems. 
The depth of the European crisis hit home this week as the International 
Monetary Fund reported that euro zone economies will contract by a combined 0.5 
per cent next year and said the damage could be worse than it estimates.
Both inside and outside the shelter of the euro zone umbrella, some countries 
have fared far worse than others. But the rain is pelting down on everyone, 
even as panicky governments and the oft-criticized European Central Bank 
scramble to recapitalize battered banks, free up credit and restore a measure 
of market confidence.
And the umbrella has begun springing serious leaks under the worst strains it 
has faced since its inception a decade ago. The severity of the slump in the 
hardest-hit countries is spurring resentment in their better-off neighbours, 
such as Germany, France and the Netherlands. Taxpayers in those countries have 
no desire to bail out their weaker currency partners.
The economic pain in the 15-country euro zone is not being spread equally, 
which is a major source of tension. Countries that grew rapidly thanks to easy 
credit, such as Spain and Ireland, have been run off the prosperity highway by 
the collapse of the housing bubble. Some face years of painful restructuring 
that might have been easier if they had control over their own monetary policy. 
Others, such as Germany and the Netherlands, have fared notably better, which 
makes it all the more difficult to apply the euro zone's one-size-fits-all 
monetary policy.
The stresses could end up breaking apart the world's most ambitious currency 
union. “The euro zone is about to go through the most traumatic time since it 
came into being,” said Howard Archer, chief European economist with IHS Global 
Insight in London.
Bond investors are showing their concerns about the zone's future, as spreads 
between euro bonds issued by the weaker sisters such as Italy and Greece and 
those of healthier countries such as Germany widen. Speculators aren't wagering 
that the euro zone will collapse, bond analysts said. But they are making bets 
that the cracks will widen.
But for its member countries, the failure of the monetary union would have such 
disastrous consequences that it's almost unthinkable.
The costs would be astronomical. It would also mean a return to the days when 
even minor crises could trigger volatile currency swings, undermining economies 
and putting government balance sheets at risk. “You would have the mother of 
all financial crises,” said Richard Portes, a professor of economics at the 
London Business School.
So far, no one is talking of abandoning the euro, and most of the newer members 
of the European Union from the old Soviet bloc are clamouring to join. Even the 
Western European members of the EU that chose to retain independent currencies 
– Denmark, Britain and Sweden – may be having second thoughts about embracing 
the relative stability of the euro after the beating they have absorbed.
Tiny Iceland, which is not part of the EU, certainly wishes it had adopted the 
euro after its savaged currency become almost worthless. Even the eccentric pop 
star Bjork has joined a growing Icelandic chorus calling for membership.
THE EURO MISERY SCALE
Some might wonder why the euro zone is still so attractive to those on the 
outside looking in.
The economies under the umbrella face a world of pain. Spain, for example, is 
in such bad shape that it faces a prolonged depression, analysts say, with 
collapsing domestic consumption, a massive current account deficit and 
unemployment rising above 20 per cent.
At the other end of the euro misery scale sit countries like Germany, the 
Netherlands and France, which managed to avoid a Spanish-style housing 
explosion but still face tougher economic times ahead.
Germany's once-booming, export-driven economy, the largest in the euro zone, 
has come to a standstill this year. Industrial output fell 3.6 per cent in 
September, the biggest decline in 14 years. And the economy is expected to 
contract by as much as 0.8 per cent next year.
On Thursday, French Finance Minister Christine Lagarde gave her most 
pessimistic prediction yet for France's economy, saying it is now likely to 
grow by at most 0.5 per cent in 2009. Just last month, she had forecast 
1-per-cent expansion. The world financial crisis, she said, “is starting to be 
felt and is going to last several trimesters.”
French unemployment, which only this summer had dropped to its lowest rate 
since the 1980s, is now expected to rise to 7.4 per cent by the end of the 
year. At the same time, consumer confidence has dropped to an all-time low.
Ms. Lagarde also told the parliament that the country's fiscal deficit would 
likely reach 3.1 per cent of gross domestic product this year, exceeding the 
EU's threshold of 3 per cent for euro zone members.
Yet for all that, France is still better off than it was before the euro was 
introduced, said Jérôme Boué, an economist with Global Equities in Paris. “It's 
a plus.” Both the financial crisis, and the economic weakness that has flowed 
from it, would have been considerably worse without the currency and interest 
rate stability provided by the European Central Bank, Mr. Boué and other 
analysts said.
The situation in the U.S., Britain and Japan is evidence that “it's false to 
say that you can do better with having an independent national monetary 
policy,” said Anton Brender, director of economic studies with Dexia Asset 
Management in Paris. “The question to be asked,” he said, “is how to improve 
and evolve the European institutions.”
HOW THE EURO BUBBLE GREW
It has been 10 years since the euro zone was launched with great fanfare, no 
little trepidation and considerable disapproval from a gaggle of vocal critics, 
including the likes of famed U.S. monetarist Milton Friedman. But the criticism 
became more muted with the passing years, as the Europeans proved better 
disciplined than they had been given credit for, and the euro gained entrance 
into the exclusive club of the world's most trusted currencies.
Indeed, the euro became one of the flavours of the decade, soaring nearly 80 
per cent against the U.S. dollar between early 2002 and March, 2008, and 
prompting dreams in Brussels of becoming the leading engine of global growth 
and wielding the power and influence that would come with such economic clout.
Now, those dreams have been washed away by a tidal wave of gloom, and the 
question becomes whether the flaws baked into the very structure of the euro 
zone will sink it as well – or if the Europeans will take advantage of this 
crisis to make the system more efficient and effective.
The policies of the ECB have tended to fall into line with the preferences of 
the strongest and most influential members, namely Germany and France. In the 
early years, the ECB ran a loose monetary ship, keeping interest rates low for 
the sake of the then-stumbling German economy. The excessively low rates, 
combined with a global credit boom, triggered bubbles in some of the 
fastest-growing, but weaker, economies.
Inflation was not a problem in Germany and France, but in less wealthy and less 
structurally sound economies, such as Spain, Ireland and Greece, prices rose 
dramatically. The ECB couldn't intervene, and the credit bubble ballooned in 
some countries, but the currency remained strong, masking the problem.
CRACKS EMERGE
Derek Scott, a former economics adviser to then-British prime minister Tony 
Blair, argues that the very nature of the euro zone played a key role in the 
creation of the credit bubbles and debt mountains that have blown up so 
traumatically. “Whatever may have been the mistakes in the United States, it 
seems to me that the euro zone itself is a structure that, almost by 
definition, creates asset bubbles, on top of anything that might have been 
exported by the United States or China.”
Spain, Portugal, Ireland, Greece and a couple of other European countries 
expanded rapidly thanks to a housing and construction boom, high domestic 
demand and debt-fuelled consumption. Although they suffered from inflation, a 
drop in competitiveness and widening current account deficits – all weaknesses 
a central bank would normally try to address – everything seemed manageable.
But then the global credit freeze hit with a vengeance. Lenders worried about 
being repaid and domestic consumption quickly fell off a cliff. The same thing 
happened in Britain and the U.S. Central banks in those countries could – and 
did – intervene dramatically.
The U.S. Federal Reserve has led the world in rate slashing since the crisis 
worsened this fall. On Thursday, the Bank of England finally responded with a 
surprisingly deep cut of 1.5 percentage points. On the same day, the ECB 
reduced rates by only a third of that, bold by its standards. Anything more 
aggressive risks triggering a dangerous bout of inflation in better-off 
economies such as Germany's.
The ECB won high marks in some circles for its prompt action, at least on the 
capital front, since the credit squeeze first hit home in August, 2007. But on 
other fronts, cracks were emerging. On the interest rate side, it remained 
tightly focused on inflation. And it lacked the capacity to make such central 
bank moves as adjusting the amount of currency in circulation.
And the most serious flaw in the euro zone design quickly became apparent as 
conditions deteriorated: There is no institution capable of co-ordinating 
fiscal policies or taking other emergency measures in the event of a 
once-in-a-century financial catastrophe.
As long as many of the policy options available to governments and central 
banks in Canada, the U.S. and elsewhere are not in the euro zone playbook, 
Europe faces “a much longer, harder, more complicated slog to pull out of 
this,” said Peter Zeihan, vice-president of analysis with Stratfor, a global 
intelligence firm based in Austin, Tex.
‘MORE EUROPE?'
Every European crisis prompts soul-searching about whether it's better to be 
part of a large entity than going it alone.
This time, despite the strains, the union could end up stronger. Worried 
national governments, shaken by the unexpected near-collapse of financial 
institutions once viewed as pillars of their economies, could finally yield 
some of their jealously guarded fiscal and banking authority and promote a 
euro-zone-wide regulatory regime.
Historically, every European crisis “has been used as an opportunity to bring 
about ‘more Europe,'” said Mr. Scott, the former Blair adviser, referring to 
the EU's widening of powers. “That is a potential result of this.”
It's understandable that troubled Denmark and a handful of Eastern European 
countries such as Hungary, which have been pushed to the brink of bankruptcy, 
might be looking for safety in the euro.
“But the notion that a Denmark would be safer inside the euro zone I don't 
really buy. You gain some security perhaps. But against that, you're locked 
into a system, where if you get into difficulties, you can't get out,” Mr. 
Scott said.
There's a price to be paid for gaining the stability of a stronger currency, 
Mr. Scott and others critics say. Joining a monetary union could weaken an 
already troubled economy. “Far from being a mechanism for convergence of 
economic performance, it's a mechanism for divergence,” he said. Within the 
euro zone, “that's what we're seeing. And it's now exaggerated because of the 
wider international problems.”
The future of the currency zone may have already been determined by the design 
flaws in its creation.
Amy Verdun, a political science professor at the University of Victoria who has 
written extensively about European monetary policy, argues the EU's big mistake 
was setting up an “asymmetrical” economic and monetary union.
The monetary side, in the hands of the ECB, is responding to the current 
crisis. But it has no political counterpart – just the finance ministers of the 
member countries who gather from time to time to co-ordinate policies.
Unlike national governments, the euro zone has no mechanism for directing 
attention to a problem sector or struggling country. And that is unlikely to 
happen, because it would mean transferring more authority to the European 
Union. As it is, “people don't trust the existing EU institutions,” Prof. 
Verdun said.
A CASE FOR UNITY
Euro zone members can and frequently do act unilaterally, without regard to the 
consequences for their fellow euro zone partners. Early in the banking crisis, 
for example, Ireland hastily guaranteed all deposits, causing a furor and 
setting off a race among governments seeking to out-do each other in national 
assistance. Only belatedly did they realize it would be considerably more 
effective to enact common policies.
Whether the euro zone can continue with its flawed model of a powerful central 
bank and a weak, informal arrangement on the economic side remains to be seen, 
Prof. Verdun said.
“They are heavily dependent on ad-hoc co-ordination. There's no authority to 
say: ‘You have to.'”
And there will always be a conflict between the interests of the heavyweights 
and the peripheral members. Even EU officials recognize that a single monetary 
policy is bound to be inappropriate for certain countries at least some of the 
time.
Are there sufficient strains to call into question the euro zone's survival?
Prof. Portes, of the University of London, dismisses such a question out of 
hand.
“I think it's nonsense,” he said. “The stakes are much too high. Even Germany 
recognizes that you couldn't allow the euro zone to break up in any way. The 
consequences for any country to drop out would be horrendous. Its financial 
system would be destroyed.”
Susan Sachs is a freelance reporter based in Paris.


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