http://en.fondsk.ru/article.php?id=2584
14.11.2009
Pyotr ISKENDEROV
Balkan Shadow of Berlin Celebration
The celebration of the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall is over.
Tens of high-ranking foreign visitors, many of whom had nothing to do with the
historical development at the time it took place, spoke about the enormous
importance of the German unification and the symbolic significance of the event
which put the final dot in the history of the Cold War. The truth, however, is
that there are parts of Europe where the fall of the Berlin Wall is not
regarded as a totally positive change since immediately upon the alleged
completion of the bloodless Cold War Europe had to face a proliferation of real
armed conflicts.
The widely held view is that the 1989 German unification opened the era of the
demise of totalitarian regimes across the continent and ultimately made the
creation of the united Europe possible. Numerous private conversations with the
residents of the Balkans actually led me to a different conclusion. The
disintegration of Yugoslavia — a process that cost thousands of lives -
commenced only a year after the demolition of the Berlin Wall, notably, the
unified and extremely powerful Germany was one of its drivers. Germany was
behind the urgent declaration of independence by Slovenia and Croatia, as well
as behind their snap recognition by the international community regardless of
the fact that the latter clearly lacked a viable model of coexistence of its
Serbian and Croatian populations. Besides, the origin of the ethnic conflict
that erupted in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the spring of 1992 can only be
grasped if the activity of outside forces is taken
into account.
Why did Germany, a country just rebuilt after the traumatic partition imposed
on it after World War II, take the active role in the Balkan geopolitical
overhaul? Napoleon used to say that every nation's politics stems from its
geography. The concept applies perfectly to the late 1980ies — early 1990ies
situation in Europe on the whole and at the Balkans in particular.
It should be realized that following the collapse of the eastern bloc and the
unification of the two Germanies Berlin saw itself as the strongest player in
Europe and actively sought European leadership over which it traditionally
competed with France. US military bases that Germany continued to host in the
framework of its international obligations after the withdrawal of the Soviet
forces presented the main obstacle in the way of the country's aspirations.
There were indications that Germany hoped to have the problem resolved by
shifting the bases to the Balkans, where their existence could be based not on
Soviet-era international agreements but on a NATO mandate, and where Germany
could be guaranteed a place among the key players. What it needed to make the
plan materialize was a serious pretext for the Balkan expansion, and the
process including the break-up of Yugoslavia and the emergence of several
protracted ethnic conflicts spread over its
former territory conveniently provided one. The implementation of the scenario
began in Slovenia and Croatia, where, due to historic reasons, the German
influence was deeply rooted. Already in the 1980ies the German intelligence
service had strong positions in Slovenia and especially in Croatia as various
émigré nationalist and extremist groups it sponsored gradually made inroads
into the administrations. German advisers and NGO envoys flocked to Croatia in
numbers in 1989-1990. It was due to their activity that eventually the republic
became the scene of the first armed clashes in the former Yugoslavia, which
scared even the no less active US representatives.
In May, 1990 Croatia's First President Fanjo Tudman introduced a new
constitution (put together largely under German advisers' supervision) via the
parliament dominated by pro-independence forces. It proclaimed that Croatia was
a national state of the Croats and other peoples inhabiting it rather than, as
formulated previously, the state of the Croatian and Serbian peoples as well as
of others inhabiting it. The legal subtlety automatically left Serbs who used
to be a state-forming nation in the position of a minority. Discontent with the
downgrade, Serbs launched a referendum of their own in August 1990, during
which, however, their response was limited to asserting their right to
sovereignty and autonomy within Croatia. Secession was not on the agenda, but
the Croatian government nevertheless resorted to force to prevent the
referendum from taking place, and the moment marked the onset of the armed
conflict in the republic.
Serbs of Croatia offered a political solution even after the incident. On
September 30, 1990 the Serbian National Council proclaimed the autonomy of the
Serbian people on the ethnic and historical territories they inhabited within
Croatia as a member of Yugoslavia, but Zagreb's course agreed with German
advisers remained unchanged. The new Croatian constitution entered into force
on December 22, and the very next day the neighboring Slovenia called an
independence referendum during which 94% of the ballots were cast in favor of
separation from Yugoslavia. Interestingly, over the weeks preceding the
enactment of Tudman's constitution Washington kept calling the Croatian leaders
to exercise restraint and to avoid steps prone with an armed escalation. Still,
Berlin's influence prevailed, and German advisers managed to convince their
Croatian protégées to act resolutely. On May 19, 1991 the Croatian
administration held a referendum with over 94% of those
who went to the polling booths opting for immediate secession. The Serbs of
Croatia did not attend, and Germany assisted by Vatican promptly ensured the
European recognition of the two new independent countries. Soon Sarajevo
followed the suit, massive fighting swept across the Balkans, NATO got the
desired pretext for intervention, and Germany emerged as the key force in the
new European geopolitical architecture.
Praising the German unification, we should not forget how the fall of the
Berlin Wall cast a shadow over other countries and their peoples.
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