Anyanya One should be a lesson to South Sudan
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By Peter Kleto Oyoyo

A few years after the August 18, 1955 Torit mutiny led by the late
hero Maj Gen Emedio Tafeng Odongi, Southern politicians in the
personalities of the late heroes Joseph Oduho and Fr. Saturlino Ohure
fled the country for Uganda. While in Kampala, the two founded the
Sudan Christian Association (SCA). They moved to Kinshasha as their
relations with the Obote’s regime was not going smoothly, and in the
Congo, they founded the Sudan National Close Districts and were joined
by William Deng Nhial from Bahr el Gazal. They returned to Kampala in
1963 and while in there, they founded the Sudan African Nation Union
(SANU) and SCA was absorbed into SANU which later under pressure by
the British government accepted the publication of the Voice of
Southern Sudan in London.

A good number of sources indicated that the failure of SANU as a
political party was caused by differences in the personalities of its
leaders and its lack of foundation in the Sudan. August 19, 1963
Joseph Oduho held a meeting at his house in Kampala with a half dozen
southerners including Joseph Lagu and the late Fr. Ohure. The purpose
of the meeting was to form a revolution. In the course of the meeting,
Fr. Ohure proposed the movement to be named the Sudan Pan-African
Freedom Fighters (SPAFF). He thought this would appeal to pan-african
leaders like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya and
others. But others at the meeting suggested for a more legitimate
indigenous name that would appealed to African Southerners like the
Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya or the Maji Maji in Tanzania.

>From the 7-14 of October, 1963, they conducted their convention at
Silver Hotel in Kampala, which resulted to the election of Aggrey
Jaden as president and Philip Pedak as vice-president of the would be
movement. My reliable sources have informed me that Aggrey Jaden beat
Oduho by only one vote. Joseph Oduho upon hearing the result decided
to quit the party to forming the Azanian Liberation Front calling for
southern secession from the North. One would love to know as to why a
true nationalist like Joseph Oduho took such a drastic decision? No
one knows the real reason but I recommend readers to consult Joseph
Lagu because he was present when the election took place.

The quitting of movements to form new ones by the Anyanya I leadership
supported by differences in personalities in my view is part of the
grand failures of the movement’s leadership to unite South Sudanese
under one umbrella for a common objective. These misunderstandings
were also illustrated during the entire session of the round table
conference organized by the Kalifa government to address the Southern
question. Unfortunately, the negotiation was being dragged down by
suspicions, factional disputes and personal differences among
southerners, and manipulation on the other hand by northerners.

SANU was represented by two rival delegations, one inside the Sudan
and the other outside in exile. The one inside was headed by William
Deng Nhial who advocated for federation and unity of the Sudan, SANU
outside was led by Elia Lupe, and was composed of the leaders of the
Azanian Liberation Front, Fr. Saturlino Ohure, Joseph Oduho and Aggrey
Jaden who had split from the SANU to form the rival Sudan African
Liberation Front advocating for a complete independence of South
Sudan.

This proposal for a complete independence called by SANU in exile was
rejected by the regime and by all of the northern political forces in
Khartoum in front of the observer countries namely, Uganda, Kenya,
Ghana, Tanzania, Egypt, Algeria and Nigeria. Federation could have
been accepted as it was not only called by Southerners but by also the
Beja people in the East and was seen by the majority of the Sudanese
as the only viable strategy for the smooth running of the country.
That is why the Beja Congress which calls for the federation was
formed. Those who called for the total independence of the South left
Khartoum to continue with their rebel activities. Aggrey Jaden as
president upon returning back appointed Maj Gen Emedio Tafeng Odongi
as Commander In Chief of the Anyanya forces with Lagu as its Chief of
Staff.

It is now clear from this stage in Sudan’s history that the call for
separation of South Sudan from North was and still is not a southern
making but a northern one. No south Sudanese would call for separation
if all of the successive regimes were seeing them as human beings like
them who deserve to be treated with due respect and dignity by giving
them freedom to exercise their human rights in all types of spheres.

It is also necessary at this point to remember Anyanya Ones’s main
reason for waging an armed struggle against the oppressive regime in
Khartoum. It is widely known by many that their main reason for waging
that protracted war was almost limited to demands for job
opportunities in the civil service sphere. Opportunities which were
denied to them by the ruling clique in Khartoum. A case in question
was the Sudanisation stage in 1955, whereby 800 jobs were Sudanised
and southerners only demand for 40 positions out of the total. The
result was that they got only 6.

Jobs were relegated to southerners, the expulsion of Christian
missionaries from south in 1962. These reasons forced the Anyanya One
to call for the chapter of self-determination in their movement’s
manifesto that calls for an internationally supervise referendum for
the people of South Sudan to choose between unity and separation. Such
war ended with an agreement in Addis Ababa in 1972 between the South
Sudan Liberation Movement and the Numeiry’s government. The agreement
was aborted few days from the date in which it was sign and no
convincing explanation was given by the Numeiry’s government for the
abrogation of the agreement.

After the signing of the Addis Ababa agreement of 1972 and the
establishment of regional government in South Sudan, many remnants of
the Anyanya One were not satisfied with both the provisions and the
implementation procedures of the agreement. A good number of Anyanya
soldiers were left in limbo without job opportunities, the issue of
real equal sharing of resources and wealth, the issue of true equality
under the law were of important concern to the movement and to the
masses of South Sudan in general. A group of dissidents, along with
remnants from the Anyanya movement mutinied in Akobo and is also known
as the Akobo incident of 1975. This was the emergence of a second
liberation movement known as Anyanya II led by Vincent Kuany. The
group left for Ethiopia in the same year to establish a military camp
which came to be known as Bilpam.

The group of Samuel Gai Tut and Akuot Atem followed by that of Cdrs.
Gordon Koang, Gabriel Tanginya, William Abdalla Chol, Paulino Matip
Nhial, and others were the leaders of the movement. Their objective
was to fight for the independence of Southern Sudan.

It is worth mentioning that their movement’s manifesto submitted to
the Ethiopian government was rejected as it was incompatible with the
government policy which articulates unity in diversity and not
separation and that of Organization of African Policy which prohibited
any movement that calls for the split of the country. A good number of
South Sudanese were not conscious about the terms of the Addis Ababa
agreement as it was not given to be owned by the people. Any agreement
that is not owned by the people will not be defended by the people as
John Adam’s (former American President) stated that “Liberty cannot be
preserved without general knowledge among the people” (pacta sunt
servanda= agreements should be kept). Thank God the SPLM/A came to the
rescue of the dishonored agreement and continue with the bigger vision
for the liberation of the marginalised in the whole of the Sudan
instead of South Sudan alone. “Thanks to both unionists and
separatists”.

In conclusion, I call upon the people of South Sudan to stand tall
against anything that aims to divide and corrupt us in all times.
Brethren, this new nation is a father us, a mother to us, a grand
parents to us, and finally a country to us. Let us all put our hands
together and do what is right. No one will develop this beautiful
nation apart concerned citizens in the personalities of you and I.

Peter Kleto is based in Toronto, Ontario Canada. He can be reached at
[email protected]

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