The Battle for the Soul of South Sudan

BY: Joana Adam, JUBA, RSS

OCT. 31, 2011,SSN; Over the last few weeks there has been fierce
debate regarding the legacy of Dr. John Garang or more appropriately
the battle for the soul of South Sudan. The issues being addressed are
valid national issues but the manner in which they are degenerating
into semantics and personal assaults are deplorable.  Sometimes, we
get embroiled in bitter arguments because we are asking the wrong
questions or are totally oblivious to the point of views of others.

This question presupposes that the new country needs a father, if so,
who should it be?   Is it wise at this moment in time, to ponder on
questions that could potentially put the fragile unity of the new
nation-state in jeopardy?  Is Elhag Paul not being deliberately
misquoted to score political points?

In the wake of the detention of James Okuk, which is nothing but state
terrorism, it is evidently risky to engage in political discourses,
but to do otherwise is capitulation. People who believe in legitimate
causes never capitulate.

Otherwise in Tunisia, that young man, would not have set himself
alive; in Torit in 1955, that soldier in the Equatoria Corps would not
have fired and killed his northern commander; and Nelson Mandela would
not have spent 27 years in South Africa’s apartheid jail.  There is
dignity in fighting for your principles even though you may not live
to see fruits of the struggle.

The Illusion of a nation

The question of who should be the father of the nation presupposes
that we have a nation, which I beg to disagree with.  Although we have
a country which has the potentials of being turned into a robustly
sustainable nation, there should be no shame in admitting that at the
moment, South Sudan is basically a tribal society.

The Transitional Constitution 2011, Article 1:4 says “South Sudan is
governed on the basis of a decentralised democratic system and is an
all-embracing homeland for its people.  It is a multi-ethnic,
multi-cultural, multi-lingual, multi-religious, and multi-racial
entity where such diversities peacefully co-exist.”

That the different ethnicities in South Sudan- small and large -found
themselves in one geographical boundary was not the result of our
considered and informed choice, but a historical accident imposed on
us, as it was on the rest of the colonised world, during the European
scramble for and partition of Africa in the 19th century, (1880-1914)
formalised at the Berlin Conference 1885.

The partition of Africa totally ignored ethnic and cultural
diversities of the people and in most cases tribes were split across
countries which have greatly contributed to Africa’s modern turbulent
history.

Hence amidst the multiplicity of tribes or nations in the new republic
of South Sudan which is composed of at least 64 distinct tribes:
(which can be found on www.Gurtong.net ), the Nuer nation, the Bari
nation, the Dinka nation, the Azande nation, the Lotuho nation etc.,
when we talk of the father of the nation, which of these nations are
we exactly referring to?

True, the independence of South Sudan in July 2011 has for the first
time in our history, created the existence of a sovereign
nation-state: the republic of South Sudan which has a separate legal
entity from its tribal constituent parts.   Since the Constitution,
recognises and unequivocally commits itself to honouring the ethnic,
cultural and linguistic diversities in our country, in my view this
should include recognition of the historical and cultural heritage of
all the peoples of this country.

This is all the more important because the peoples of South Sudan have
had a limited history of co-existence.  In fact our villagers have to
date lived almost exclusive tribal lifestyles without adulteration
from neighbouring communities.  During the Turco-Egyptian and
Anglo-Egyptian colonial eras, Southerners did not interact much among
themselves but separately resisted slave trade from the comfort of
their tribal zones.

More often than not, intertribal contacts were overtly aggressive.
After more than a century, tribal conflicts on the ground show that
peaceful co-existence is still a long way away.

It was the introduction of limited missionary education after the
pacification of the tribal societies in the 1920’s that for the first
time brought southern boys from their villages to interact with each
other in common school environments such as Loka Intermediate, and
Rumbek Secondary, and later Khartoum University.  Between 1930 and
1950, socialisation in schools and migrations to urban areas
facilitated limited inter-tribal interactions among the groups in
question, which formed the nucleus for coordinated liberation
struggle.

These interactions were dramatically expanded after 1972 when Juba
University was opened and Southern students were given opportunities
to study in Egyptian universities.  Paradoxically Khartoum University
continued to deny admittance to majority of Southern students.   The
discriminatory educational policies of subsequent northern regimes
from (1956-2005) enormously contributed to underdevelopment of the
South.  Graduates and students from these universities later became
the human capital for the SPLA war.

 Nevertheless, in the 70’s experiences in Southern schools including
girls schools were littered with brutal tribal fights.  Today, in Juba
University and I believe in other Southern universities; believe it or
not,  students are allowed to form tribal Associations contrary to the
essence of university education, designed to broaden students’
intellectual as well as cultural horizons.

The Anya-Nya leaders have made no secret that the Anya-Nya was a
decentralised movement operated from the three provinces of Bahar el
Ghazal, Upper Nile and Equatoria.  Although coordinated from Owiny-Ki
-Bul, people from the two provinces and elsewhere in Equatoria, came
to the headquarters to receive military training, weapons and
ammunitions and were dispatched back to their localities to fight the
Arabs.  This was in recognition of the peculiarities and
distinctiveness of our communities, which resulted in the fair and
transparent policy of absorption of soldiers into the Sudanese army
after the Addis Ababa Agreement in 1972.  A total of 6000 Anya-Nya
soldiers were absorbed, 2,000 from each of the 3 provinces.

The same policy was used in the absorption of the remaining soldiers
into the police, prisons and wild life.  In the true spirit of African
brotherhood and fairness, the Anya Nya leader Gen Joseph Lagu,
surrendered leadership of the High Executive Council to Abel Alier who
was neither an Equatorian nor a freedom fighter, to concentrate on
affairs of his soldiers.  As a result a balanced government was formed
and there was no corruption, nepotism or favouritism.

This was South Sudan at its best, before the evils of tribalism
started to creep in a few years later, over control of the regional
government.  The well documented history of the SPLA/M speaks for its
self and I do not wish to indulge in it except where necessary.  But
what is clear is that unlike the previous movement, SPLA/M was a
totally centralised, tribalised and even brutal regime.

With a history as diverse, which stretches over decades, where so many
from the different communities have paid the ultimate price, how can
the provocative celebration of selected hero or hero’s not create a
sense of resentment?

Does it matter who Elhag Paul is?

It must be stated that Mr. Paul was not the first to raise the issue
under discussion in an article entitled “SPLM and Mass Media:
Promoting history of falsity” published Sep/27/2011 on SSN and other
sites.  He simply echoed a feeling which was disturbing a lot of
disenfranchised young Equatorians.

Of course as expected, he got a fierce rebuttal notably from Deng Atem
Dekuk in an article entitled: Dr. John Garang, the SPLM and the
Question of Unity again published on this and other sites.  One
brother was so incensed with the response of Elhag Paul, to his
rebuttal by Dekuk that he could not but ask the question, who is Elhag
Paul?

One wonders what, the relevance of such a question is.  Is this the
usual intimidatory tactics of pro-government advocates, to incite
state authorities and some section of the population in hunt for Elhag
Paul?  In a democracy, should it really matter who a writer is or
should we be more concerned about the content of his/her writing?  The
author in question doesn’t have to be a professor, a scholar, a
researcher or anything.  It is not helpful to try to derogate him
either.  Whether he is a villager or not; tall or short; or hails from
this or that tribe, are all immaterial.  What matters is the content
of his writing and whether you agree with him or not.

Secondly, intelligence is not a monopoly of one person, tribe, race or
generation.  If you will, God Almighty has fairly endowed all with
this essential human commodity.  Although our society is more than 75
% illiterate, we clearly display elitist tendencies and are obsessed
with academic qualifications and other types of titles.  Academics
have their places in society but so do ordinary citizens.  Our society
is riddled with contradictions that, on the one hand we revere
academic qualifications and intellectualism, on the other, we
ostracise those who passionately defend their grounds as being
intellectually arrogant.

 A good many of us are contemporaries and have witnessed our modern
history unravel before our own eyes.  We make references to documented
texts, to emphasize points and for the benefit of younger readers and
foreigners.  It is pertinent for every writer to be objective and
factual but as we can see, history is not an exact science like
mathematics or physics, but full of biasness and subjectivity,
(scientists may disagree on the exactness of science).

In our political discourses we have discovered that history or
political commentary is as much about stating facts as it is
interpreting them.  And that is the real issue because our
interpretations of historical data, more often than not is clouded
with personal bias and subjectivity.

What did Elhag Paul, actually say?

 What I have gathered from Mr. Paul’s, writings is that he
passionately believes in defending the cause, dignity and integrity of
his marginalised constituents. If politics is a game of fighting your
corner and protecting your interest, then it is his political right to
do so.  But he evidently treaded on a dangerous and highly emotive
ground.  Did he or did he not slander the dead?  This debate will go
on, even after we are all gone and buried.

To put the sentimentalism aside, ELhag Paul did not slander the dead.
Nobody can slander Dr. John Garang de Mabior.  Like any other great
leader, he has been immortalised and his legacy will continue to live.
His widow Rebecca de Mabior said so in 2005; minutes after the
helicopter carrying her husband came down.  I am not simply trying to
defend the author because has adequately defended himself - whether
you agree with him or not is another matter.

I believe the gist of Paul’s argument is not honouring Dr. John Garang
as the father of the nation per se, but the exclusion of other equally
deserving hero’s from being so honoured as a consequence of deliberate
SPLM/A dominated government policies, manifested in relentless state
owned media propaganda.  The media orchestration of the late hero as
the only national hero to the exclusion of others and its implications
on our national psyche, and cultural heritage has been questioned by
many, the latest in an article on southsudan.net entitled:

What kind of message Malaak Ayuen wanted to convey to public through
SSTV,  ARM PROGRAMME?
“It so good to have South Sudan arm force program that raise the moral of our
people, but what is the purpose of that program of the very armed force of
Malaak? What kind of message really Mr Malaak wanted to convey to public?
Does Mr Malaak personally the owner of the program in order to downgraded
other ethnic group of South Sudan throughout the time, and in SSTV program
Mr Malaak attempted seriously to promote tribalism and favoritism on
accountof others in the South?Is that SSTV Malaak arm force's Program
a political or is it a military program.”

The above paragraph is quoted verbatim.  So the question of who is
fooling who can equally be asked with respect to the  motives of
critics of Paul, who I believe are aiming to achieve the following
objectives: 1) removing the names of Anya Nya and Anya-Nya 2 leaders
from national recognition; 2) removing the names of all the
separatists who perished in the hands of John  Garang’s  SPLA, from
our national history;  3) the government’s use of the name of Dr. John
 Garang’s  to oppress others and  cling to power.  In the SPLA/M
Rumbek Conference Nov 29- Dec 1st  2004,  it was clear that they
didn’t really revere him contrary to what they’ll like the public to
believe. This political machination is now a lifeline for Salva Kiir’s
government that is drowning in kleptocracy.

However nice we would like to be to Dr. Garang’s legacy, sometimes it
is morally incongruent.  It is a well-documented fact that Dr.
Garang’s presided on a brutal and murderous regime.  Many people are
still living witnesses to this. No one can sensibly defend the morally
grotesque act of lashing a dead body while the king himself was
watching!  This is the ultimate act of barbarity.  What was the point
of murdering political prisoners who had escaped during the Nashir
revolt?  Why was the veteran politician and liberator uncle Joseph
Oduho shot dead after he was captured alive.  How is this different
from the revulsive murder of the Libyan dictator Muamar Gadhafi who
was, assaulted, mocked and murdered by his captives after begging for
clemency!  It is very surprising that some of these SPLA generals have
not ended up in The Hague for committing crimes against humanity.

In reality the question whether John Garang should be the father of
the nation, is a redundant question because this is exactly what the
government has been doing over the last 6 years.  That’s why Salva
Kiir Mayardit unveiled the imposing statue of the late hero, during
the independence celebrations; that’s why our national currency bears
his picture;  that’s  why a university and a hospital are dedicated to
his memory; that’s why schools and many other national monuments are
dedicated to his name and the list goes on and on.

Mr. Paul in his spirited defence pointed other deserving leaders
before Dr. Garang came into the scene in 1983, such as Aggrey Jaden,
and Oliver Albino.   Allow me to add other hero’s like Joseph Oduho,
Akot Atem, Simon Gai Tut, William Nyuon, Kerubino Kwanyin,  Arok Thon,
Gen. Joseph Lagu, Father Saturino Ohure  who was hunted and brutally
gunned down along Sudan-Uganda border by Arab agents.  The gallant
soldiers of the Equatoria Corps, who fired the first bullets against
Arab oppressors in Torit in 1955 were rounded and executed by the
jellabas. The recognition of these and many others is the issue of
contention and not whether or not Dr. Garang should be the father of
the nation state. The issue of Dr. Garang being a unionist or a
separatist is just a distraction.  As a leader his legacy will live on
and what his followers and admirers have to do is to learn to live
with both the good and bad aspects of his legacy.  What is so
difficult about that?

As citizens, it is our responsibilities to point out mistakes in
government policies and programmes.  No one can deny the abuse of the
national television as SPLM/A propaganda machine.  This is wrong.
SSTV should be seen to promote our cultural and historical diversities
without preferential treatment.  All school children from all corners
of South Sudan should know their local hero’s and celebrate them to
give them pride and self-esteem.

The other issues of contention here are the use of the correct
institutional procedures in deciding when, how and where national
monuments should be erected.  Did the national parliament approve of
the ‘Garang statue’, the picture of John Garang on the national
currency etc.? If not, why not?  Who authorised approval of the funds
for building of the statue and how much was it?  Was the process for
awarding the contract competitive and transparent? These are issues of
good governance.

Elhag undoubtedly has his followers.  That a man like him is not in
the assembly battling our case is testimony to the unfairness in the
new republic.   As long as he is out there, he can shout as loudly and
often as he wants.  Anyone can ignore the power of the new media at
his own peril.  But it has become fashionable to condemn some of those
challenging the status quo as tribalists. On the other hand, a Dinka
in the same category like the Editor of the Citizen newspaper though
repeatedly terrorised by security agents, is not labelled as a
tribalist.  These are the political contradictions in our nascent
state.  It took a Kenyan to expose what have been swept under the
carpet in an article which I hereby quote verbatim entitled:

Who will save Government of South Sudan from wrong turn?

(Published on 06/08/2011, The Standard-on-line, Nairobi, Kenya)

By: Donald Kipkorir, Advocate of the High Court and in

AUG. 12/2011, SSN; the author reiterated,

“It takes a Nelson Mandela to transition from liberation to leadership
psyche. I have the biggest trepidation that SPLA, who with tremendous
respect is filled in its ranks with semi-illiterate war veterans, will
plunder the resources of South Sudan……..

GOSS adopts triple ills of Africa She has adopted the triple ills of
Africa, lock-stock & barrel! In less than a month after independence,
GoSS is entrenching negative tribalism, grand corruption and political
hubris.

My friends who travel regularly to Juba tell me horror stories of the
wrong turn. Take the politics. The President of GoSS is officially
addressed as His Excellency Lt Gen Salva Kiir Mayardit, Supreme
Commander of the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) and Chairman of
Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, and the Vice President is
addressed mouthful as His Excellency Lt Gen Dr Rick Machiar Teny! If
the long titles aren’t symptoms of political hubris, what
is?....................

Tribalism and grand corruption are Siamese twins. Though mainly
Nilotic and predominantly Dinka and Nuer tribes, there are more than
60 ethnic groups in South Sudan. The SPLA and the Government which is
two sides of one coin is predominantly Dinka. There are growing
murmurs and discontent that the Government has been hijacked by the
Dinka. As always, the Government will pooh-boo these murmurs as
machinations of State enemies.”

Imagine if this was said by an Equatorian, hell could have broken
loose.  I m a not a tribalist and I love all South Sudanese people but
I hate state oppression.  Wrong policies of the government must be
pointed out so that they can be corrected.  Equally, do not feel
guilty that opposing the government is betrayal of your tribe.  At
this moment in time, there are 16 top government officials who are
implicated in theft of about 350 million US dollars of public money.
If every citizen speaks up against such things, these thieves will
have nowhere to hide.  The millions and possibly billions that they
have stolen could be repatriated to build our infrastructures, deliver
services to our desperate people, and the criminals will be brought to
justice.  Silence means consent.  If you are protecting a tribalistic
government just because you are unfairly benefitting from it then it
logically follows that you are a tribalist, period.

The internet has given us the opportunity to exchange views and learn
from each other and about our communities.  Let us not use it for
intimidating and hurling insults at each other.  In our human
subjectivity it is still possible to observe some degree of
objectivity.  If we are to have any civilised discourses on the
internet or elsewhere, we need to desist from name calling and
labelling but give each other space. Otherwise before long, we will
all have our own tribal websites which will take us back to the dark
ages.  Let us focus on the content of what we write but not on
personalities or tribal backgrounds to encourage participation from
wider section of our society, including women and girls.

Arrogant and Oppressive SPLM regime

Does Elhag hate the Dinka or the SPLA/M, No.  How many people have
routinely abandoned and returned back to the SPLA/M.  Just prior to
the independence celebrations in July 2001, Cdr. Peter Gadet took up
arms against the SPLM government, caused death of many civilians and
yet he was bribed and brought back into the very organisation which he
had insulted as corrupt and tribalistic. He was rewarded with a higher
rank and 3 million US dollars in his pocket.  There are repeated
efforts to bring back the rebel commander George Athor into the SPLM/A
fold.  Dr. Lam Akol who had been repeatedly accused by top SPLM cadres
has now been offered an olive branch, although its sincerity remains
to be seen.  So what is so strange about Paul not liking the SPLA/M or
is it because of his ethnicity?  The SPLM is a political party.  Like
any other political parties, citizens will like or dislike it
depending on its vision, values and programmes.  It is arrogant to
impose the SPLM as the national party, and a blackmail to identify it
with the nation of South Sudan.

Humiliating our Leaders

Equatorian people have witnessed their leaders being habitually
humiliated and contemptuously treated and have pondered about their
stakes in the national cake.  The first weight of the SPLM state was
used against Cdr. Patrick Zumoi, the first governor of Western
Equatoria after the CPA.  Governor Zumoi was put under house arrest
and unceremoniously removed from his post.  This was followed by the
infamous house detention of Cdr. Obuto Mamur one of the gallant
fighters in the SPLA.  He was later, discharged without charges.   In
2010, Cde Alfred Lado Gore won the election for governorship of
Central Equatoria but was denied his victory, allegedly because he is
anti-Dinka.  But the most consistent abuse and disrespect has been
demonstrated against the Anya Nya movement (1955-1972); its leaders
and the Addis Ababa Agreement 1972.

 Prior to the independence referendum in January 2011, SPLM leaders
took every opportunity, whether in rallies, in the media or in funeral
gatherings to mock the Anya Aya, citing arrogantly that the CPA was
not like the Addis Aba Agreement.  Had anyone suggested otherwise?
Didn’t young John Garang, come to the Anya-Nya headquarters in
Owing-Ki- Bul to be trained by Gen Lagu who later sent him for PhD
studies to the USA, when Gen Lagu discovered that the jellaba were
scheming to lynch Garang in Khartoum?   Didn’t Salva Kiir Mayardit as
a teenager in the 60’s walk hundreds of miles on foot from Bahar el
Ghazal to Owiny- Ki-Bul in Equatoria, to join the Anya-Nya?  Was he
discriminated or badly treated?  The Anya- Nya might have achieved
less than we would have wanted, but this was partly because of the
hostile geo-political environment in the 60’s. This was the time when
most of the neighbouring countries including Uganda, Kenya and Congo,
were either still struggling for their own independence or had just
become independent.  Additionally, the Organisation of African Unity
(OAU) which gave birth to the AU, was fanatically opposed to the idea
of interference in the affairs of other sovereign states.

 It took the abrogation of the Addis Ababa Agreement in 1983 and
thereafter the repeated violation of the rights of southerners by the
Islamist regimes in Khartoum, for the world to concede on applying
self-determination in the evidently genuine case of Southern Sudan.
The limited achievement of the Addis Ababa Agreement (1972), for the
first time in the history, gave southern Sudan an autonomous regional
government (1972-1983).  As discussed in my last article entitled “
Holding our National Government to Account”  SSN 3rd Oct 2011, the
regional government could have delivered independence, just as the
referendum has done,  had it not been deliberately sabotaged by fellow
Southerners.  Time will come, when all these secrets will come out.
So the Anya movement and their leaders deserve some respect.  There is
no point in needless comparisons of movements that took place under
completely different circumstances and eras.  After all isn’t it
natural for leaders to do better than their predecessors, and are
children not expected to do better than their fathers?

The SPLM forced to side with the people

The SPLM leadership was forced to change sides and stand with the
majority of the Southern people to vote for separation in January
2011.  To be fair, the majority of SPLA ranks and files were for
separation, from the inception of Anya Nya 2 through the Nashir revolt
in 1991.  During Abel Alier’s reign in Juba 1972-78, separatists were
routinely jailed and separation became a dirty word, to appease the
Arab masters.  If separatists are becoming targeted again, it won’t be
a surprise.  But Riek or Lam are free to choose how they would like
history to remember them.

True to their Machiavellian spirit, when the SPLM government realised
that they may be forced to concede recognising the Anya Nya, they
swiftly changed tact and promptly declared 1891 as the official
beginning of our liberation struggle.  The first commandment of the
SPLM under Salva Kiir Mayardit, therefore states: there shall be no
other father of the nation apart from Dr. John Garang and myself.
Second, SPLA/M has replaced all previous movements and no reference
shall be made thereof.  Third, only those tribes that were the
majority in the SPLA have the right to enjoy the benefits of the
liberation struggle.  Fourth, whether you like it or not we shall rule
you, got it?

Hence displacement is the hidden sin of the SPLM/A.  They want to
displace people from their land, history, and cultural heritage.
Anya-Nya 1 and 2 leaders and all the other separatists have struggled
and shed blood for this country.  They legitimately deserve
recognition in our national history.  Without Anya –Nya 1 there would
have been no Anya-Nya 2 and most certainly no SPLA/M.  Before 1972,
those who claim to be our born rulers, were living in Khartoum,
happily eating kisra and full masri.  From the time they graduate from
high schools or universities, they migrate to Khartoum and never step
again into their ancestral villages until death do them part.

The heroic men of the Equatoria Corps, might not have won the battle
but they inspired the rest of the South and laid the foundation for
our liberation.  Otherwise, today we would be happily living in
Arabised Sudan wearing thobes and jellabias and relishing in bukhur
and henna!  It would have been impossible to help other African
Sudanese to liberate themselves.  These brave men didn’t have
sophisticated weapons or state sponsorship of a guerrilla movement in
contrast to the SPLA/M.  The state support of both Col Miriam Mengistu
the then Ethiopian leader, and Col. Muammar Gadhafi, Libya’s recently
deceased leader, gave Dr. Garang, the opportunity to prevail over the
rival Anya-Nya 2 leaders.

Although John Garang will be blamed for most of the mismanagement in
the SPLA/M war, just as he will be praised for its many achievements,
he cannot really be blamed for the poor implementation of the CPA.
Most importantly, he cannot be blamed for the rampant corruption in
the government of the republic of South Sudan.  He cannot also be
blamed for the insecurity, under development, lack of service delivery
and poor community relations which have now gripped the nation.

Other people have taken charge of ruling this country and they had
choices to do right or wrong and but choose the latter.  The other
people who are stirring up bad blood are those who believe by
idolising Dr. John Garang and demonising other southern leaders, they
alone stand to benefit from the name of the late.  The only people who
are entitled to gaining from the name of late Garang are his immediate
family.  It is high time all the other people stop using his name for
selfish personal or group gains.  All our 2.5 million dead were made
of flesh and blood.  We humbly salute them and pray the Almighty to
rest their souls, eternally in peace.

We now need to focus on solving our problems: the problems of the
living here and now; the problem of leadership crisis in RSS.  Dr John
Garang de Mabior and those who have gone ahead have won the battle,
but the war is not over yet.  We still have to fight the war against
illiteracy, diseases, poverty and underdevelopment.  We have to fight
the political diseases that could render this country, a failed state.

We have to fight the potentially deadly enemy lurking in our midst:
the enemy of graft and its twin arms of tribalism and nepotism.  These
are the real enemies we have to confront today, to establish a viable
nation out the rubbles of tribocracy.

This is the responsibility of all the 64 Southern tribes and the key
to this is effective visionary leadership - leadership whose main
function will not be to create a nation of masters and slaves or lord
it over others - but leadership that is fit for the purpose of leading
South Sudan in the 21st century.

By Joana Adams, Juba, RSS.

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Disclaimer: The views expressed above are solely those of the
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