Charles Taylor a CIA Informant—The Need to Retool Liberia’s
Relationship with the US – By Robtel Neajai Pailey
January 20, 2012

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Clinton and Johnson Sirleaf meet for the latter's swearing in a
President, underlying the continuing close relations between the US
and Liberia
Two very significant and interconnected events happened this week in
Liberia – President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf was inaugurated for a second
term with a subdued opposition attending the ceremonies, and former
Liberian President Charles Taylor was implicated in a Boston Globe
article for serving as a CIA informant beginning in the early 1980s
and spanning many decades.

Taylor, Taylor, How Did Your Garden Grow?

Taylor, who currently languishes in a jail cell in the Hague after
undergoing trial for 11 counts of crimes against humanity in the
Sierra Leonean civil war, has ironically never faced trial for the
atrocities that he orchestrated, oversaw, and implemented in Liberia.
The bombshell news that he was indeed a CIA informant in the early
years of his rise to notoriety calls into question America’s
complicity in Taylor’s destruction of Liberia.

America’s facilitation of Taylor’s escape from a maximum security
prison in Boston in 1985 – while he was facing extradition to Liberia
for allegedly stealing US$1 million from the General Services Agency,
which he headed during President Samuel Kanyon Doe’s regime – was
always rumored but never corroborated. I remember covering the first
day of Taylor’s trial in the Hague for Pambazuka News, and
interviewing Stephen Rapp, the then chief prosecutor, about whether or
not his investigations into Taylor’s exploits in Libya and Sierra
Leone ever unearthed the real causes of his ‘escape’ from the maximum
security prison in Massachusetts. Rapp was tight-lipped, yet appeared
confounded by this mystery as well. When Taylor eventually confessed
during the Hague trial that he strolled out of prison after a guard
conveniently opened his cell one night, we all knew that something was
awry:  “I am calling it my release because I didn’t break out,’’
Taylor testified. “I did not pay any money. I did not know the guys
who picked me up. I was not hiding [afterwards].’’

The Taylor-CIA connection has re-inscribed for Liberians an age-old
dilemma, what to do with our so-called historical relationship with
the United States, which has been fraught with betrayal after
betrayal. Liberians who have been commenting on various notice boards
are justifiably angry, upset and disappointed, but not surprised. This
is the validation we’ve been wanting for years, and it comes on the
heels of the inauguration for a  second term of our head of state, who
was ironically pictured dedicating the new U.S. Embassy in Liberia
this week, with a smiling Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in the
foreground.

Some Liberians, under anonymity, are arguing that U.S. authorities who
courted Taylor for intelligence be brought to justice for crimes
against humanity in the Liberian civil war, that the International
Criminal Court – now headed by a female Gambian national – should
exhibit blind justice, that instead of hauling African and non-Western
leaders to the international body for prosecution, they too should
face the full weight of the law. I tend to agree with these arguments,
however radical and farfetched they may seem.

Inquiring Liberian Minds Deserve to Know

The Globe article recounts that the CIA has said releasing further
information could be a national security threat. A threat to whom,
might I ask? Liberians deserve to know the nature, duration, scale,
and scope of the CIA-Taylor relationship, it is a part of our national
history, and must be recounted in the history books for our children,
and our children’s children to remember that a relationship with the
U.S. must be monitored at all times.

Liberians are not gullible, nor are we unsophisticated in realizing
that one plus one equals two. We’ve always known that the dubiousness
surrounding Taylor’s escape from the Massachusetts maximum-security
prison was the beginning of the end for us. And if the implications of
the Globe article are true, then the CIA could provide more answers.

It’s no wonder that the U.S. didn’t intervene in the Liberian civil
war, though Liberians begged and pleaded for its “father/mother” to
stop us from killing each other. One U.S. diplomat at the time even
said that “Liberia is of no strategic interest to the United States.”
It begs the question, if Liberia was of “no strategic interest” during
the war, when we were killing ourselves and each other in the name of
liberation, what is Liberia’s strategic interest to the U.S. now, when
U.S. NGOs and development workers abound, and the Peace Corps has
reinserted itself?

This should send a strong signal to Liberians and Liberia once and for
all that America cannot be trusted. From Noriega, to Osama, to Saddam,
to Samuel Doe, authoritarian leaders who end up in the U.S.’s good
graces are never there for long.

Limits of Reciprocity

What Liberians and the Liberian government should be doing is
strategizing, devising our own “Liberia Policy for the U.S.” which
factors in seriously our checkered history with unsentimental bias.

We should also rely on a corpus of intellectual and creative work that
has already investigated our ‘limits of reciprocity’ with the United
States. Liberian filmmaker Nancee Oku Bright’s film, Liberia:
America’s Stepchild, explores the torturous relationship between
Liberia and the United States, with her thesis being that the U.S.
sees Liberia as an ‘outside’ child, one who is illegitimate upon
conception and can be used and abused at will without consequence. And
Liberian academic Dr. D. Elwood Dunn also interrogates this
relationship in his book, Liberia and the United States During the
Cold War: Limits of Reciprocity, showing that the Cold War placed
Liberia in a very strategic position to exploit its relationship with
the United States, yet with unintended consequences.

In this new political dispensation, it should be clear that Liberia
should hold the U.S. at arm’s length, that hosting AFRICOM or any U.S.
satellite post is out of the question, that we have to use them just
as strategically as they have used us. With the geopolitics of China
and other emerging nations, Liberia needs to develop a “Look South
Policy,” not because we have become alienated, as in the case of
Zimbabwe, but because we have made a conscious decision to explore
other options, remembering that the U.S. will act only in its interest
and leave those caught in the crossfire to fend for themselves.

We deserve to know the details of Taylor’s relationship with the CIA.
It is crucial to our development planning, historical remembrance,
healing and nation-building.


Born in Monrovia, Liberia, Robtel Neajai Pailey is currently pursuing
a doctorate in Development Studies at the University of London’s
School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), as a Mo Ibrahim
Foundation Ph.D. Scholar.

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