10 Years of the Responsibility to Protect: A Glimpse at Sudan
Posted by Laura Heaton on Jan 20, 2012
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It was 10 years ago last month that the concept of a ‘responsibility
to protect’ first emerged. 2011 alone saw the principle cited in some
of the most defining moments of the year—a testament to growing
acceptance of the international norm.

At an event this week hosted by the Stanley Foundation in New York to
recognize the anniversary, U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon offered
complimentary remarks about the use of R2P to justify action in Côte
d’Ivoire and Libya. He highlighted partnerships with the African Union
and the Economic Community of West African States in the case of Côte
d’Ivoire and in Libya with the Arab League and the Organization for
Islamic Cooperation that paved the way for action from the U.N.
Security Council.

But it was the U.N. secretary general’s unusually candid insights
about the limitations of implementing the Responsibility to Protect in
South Sudan recently that stood out. Ban was speaking about the
overtly ethnic clashes between the Lou Nuer and Murle people of South
Sudan’s Jonglei state.

We saw [the violence] coming weeks before.

Yet we were not able to stop it - unfortunately. Nor was the
government, which like others has primary responsibility for
protecting its citizens.

The reason was painfully simple: we were denied the use of necessary
resources ... in particular helicopters that would have given us
mobility to bring all the U.N. peacekeepers where there are no roads
except by air mobility.

At the critical moment, I was reduced to begging for replacements from
neighboring countries and missions. With limited resources, we tried
our best.

So, a key challenge in putting the Responsibility to Protect into
practice is this: how do we do our job, how do we deliver on Security
Council mandates, when the very members of the Council do not give us
the support we need.

The U.N.’s strategy for protecting civilians in the case of Jonglei
primarily consisted of instructing civilians to flee. The U.N. mission
sent 500 combat-ready peacekeepers and around 300 supporting
peacekeepers to the area, under the mission’s Chapter VII mandate that
enables them to fire on would-be aggressors in defense of civilians.
But up against approximately 6,000 Lou Nuer militia men with the
stated aim “to wipe Murle out,”* and without the adequate equipment
for transportation, urging people to flee—effectively encouraging a
humanitarian emergency that has now left an estimated 120,000 people
in need of assistance—became the least bad option. In the end, because
of the U.N.’s action, the Lou Nuer offensive proved far less deadly
than initially anticipated. But urging civilians to hide in the bush,
where they become vulnerable to other threats, hardly seems like a
sustainable long-term approach to protection.

In hindsight, far more needed to be done in Jonglei to mediate between
the rival Lou Nuer and Murle, such as engaging in reconciliation
efforts the young men who would become implicated in the violence. The
South Sudan government should have gotten more deeply involved in
addressing past grievances between the communities. In other words,
key preventative efforts could have been tried to potentially avert
the explosive attacks and counter-attacks now ongoing.

Importantly, in his remarks at the Stanley Foundation, Ban Ki-moon
highlighted the role prevention plays in the responsibility to protect
in the face of brewing conflict. He called for 2012 to be the year of
prevention, urging member states to be willing to take “proactive,
decisive, and early action” before violence breaks out, to not look
away when crisis is intensifying. “We have done that too often,” he
said, adding:

For societies under stress, early warning may come too late to prevent
the outbreak of mass violence. Such situations call for a dynamic
assessment of how such stresses are developing over time, and how the
international community can help.

It means little, however, to get the assessment right if it is not
followed by targeted, measured and determined action.

The secretary general pointed to Syria as a crisis that is presently
putting this point to test. But Ban Ki-moon need not have looked even
beyond South Sudan and Sudan to highlight a glaring example of a
‘responsibility to protect’ failing to mobilize meaningful action.
After months of bombardment and attacks on civilian populations by the
Sudanese army and its allied militias, which provoked a shockingly
feeble rhetorical response from the international community, the
states of Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile now teeter on the verge of
famine.

"It is clear that the Government of Sudan has instituted a deliberate
policy to prevent humanitarian agencies from reaching vulnerable
civilians impacted by the conflict,” wrote U.S. Special Representative
to the United Nations Susan Rice in a letter to the Security Council
just two days before the secretary general’s remarks. “[I]f the
government of Sudan does not allow immediate meaningful humanitarian
access to the conflict zones in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile so
life saving humanitarian assistance can be provided to civilians in
need, we will likely see famine conditions in parts of Sudan,” Rice
said.

An eight-month long government offensive, “indiscriminately bombing”
of its own civilians, followed by acute food insecurity exacerbated by
the government’s blockage of aid—it’s a scenario that exemplifies the
need for the Responsibility to Protect. And yet in its conspicuous
absence from Ban Ki-moon’s remarks, Sudan’s latest crisis zone also
epitomizes the unequal nature by which R2P is acted upon, when the
call for a meaningful international response gets stymied by what Ban
himself called, “a minefield of nuance, political calculation, and
competing national interests.”

*This explicit goal was cited in a letter seen by Enough.

Photo: Women from Blue Nile state fled across the border to a refugee
camp in Sherkole, Ethiopia after attacks by the Sudanese government
(Enough / Amanda Hsiao)

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