The drama of Kenyan politics ahead of elections

Uche Igwe
2012-02-16, Issue 570
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/80002
 .As Kenyans prepare to go to the polls once
again, her political terrain is getting charged as ethnic formations
rehearse for potentially combustible struggles against each other,
which may make or mar the fragile peace in the country.

The preponderance of political ethnicity can be said to be the most
retrogressive heritage of Africa’s colonial experience. It is common
knowledge that the colonial administration in Africa relied mainly on
ethnic clusters to rule in their respective posts in Africa. These
clusters gradually magnified and transformed into political cleavages
at the twilight of independence. As the nationalist movements began to
break up at the verge of independence, many leaders retreated to their
ethnic cocoons as they manoeuvred to inherit power. From Nigeria to
Sierra Leone, and from Uganda to Kenya, numerically large ethnic
groups therefore took advantage of the situation to entrench political
ethnicity, to which can be traced all the bigger issues of corruption,
inept leadership and underdevelopment in Africa.

A classical manifestation is in the Republic of Kenya, East Africa’s
second most populous country and economic hub. As Kenyans prepare to
go to the polls once again, her political terrain is getting charged
as ethnic formations rehearse for potentially combustible struggles
against each other, which may make or mar the fragile peace in the
country. Every passing day potentially opens up a scene of uncertainty
in the suspense-filled political drama.

The latest controversy relates to the date of the forthcoming
elections. Opinion is divided on which date will be most appropriate.
The High Court ruled last month that the much-awaited elections could
hold in March 2013, 60 days after the expiration of the current
parliament’s five-year term. The court ruling also left a possibility
of the elections being held 60 days after dissolution of the Grand
Coalition Government. A 2012 election date is likely especially if the
two protagonists in the coalition government in the persons of
President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga decide to part
ways soon. The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission has
called for a 17 Decembe 2012 election date which is line with what the
cabinet had called for earlier. However, the fate of the elections
still largely hangs on what the two leaders agree to do. Many
observers speculate that Prime Minister Odinga may soon quit the
coalition in order to devote more time for his presidential campaigns.
President Kibaki is not eligible for re-election. A cross section of
the urban population favours a December 2012 date for the elections in
anticipation that the Coalition Government will be dissolved in
October.

There is more to the date controversy than meets the eye. One
possibility will be that two frontline presidential aspirants who have
been indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague
may not be on the ballot for the polls. Judging from the antecedents
of the ICC, it is doubtful if the case will be concluded in the next
one year. Some members of the Kenyan civil society have already
approached the court in an effort to ensure that the embattled Deputy
Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta and Eldoret MP William Ruto are excluded
from the elections on the basis of Chapter Six of the new Constitution
on Leadership and Integrity. Their position is supported by the
Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs Mutula Kilonzo, who
has proposed an amendment to the Act establishing the Ethics and
Integrity Commission. Mr Kilonzo has asked parliament to give the
Commission additional powers not only to investigate but also to
prosecute and punish those guilty of non-compliance.

A reading of the public mood especially among the middle class would
reveal that many Kenyans would prefer an interpretation of integrity
requirements of the Constitution in the broadest possible way to
enable the exclusion of every aspirant who has been tainted by or
reasonably suspected of corruption in the past. This will mean a
political tsunami which may even consume all top contenders for the
presidency including Prime Minister Raila Odinga who once served as
Energy Minister under President Daniel arap Moi – allegedly the most
corrupt regime in Kenyan history.

Though some people may say that this is very unlikely, such a
development as suggested above would dethrone the political dynasty
and hegemony that has held Kenya hostage since independence. The
sterilisation of the Kenyan political space for hastened reform and
implementation of the prescriptions of the new Constitution will be
easier to realise when the ‘old breed’ of politicians is lawfully
excluded. That will also foster new political realignments and trigger
fresh bonds of nationalism – that will lead to mutual forgiveness
among the ethnic groups.

Although less optimistic observers are very sceptical of the chances
of the above scenario playing out and would rather dismiss it with a
wave of hand, no one can rule it out completely. Rather, other pundits
are predicting a possible alliance along ethnic lines between the
Kikuyus, Kalenjins and the Kamba – the so called KKK/G7 Alliance. In
the likely event of Uhuru Kenyatta (a Kikuyu) and William Ruto (a
Kalenjin) not running for the presidency, the beneficiary may well be
Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka (a Kamba). On the other hand a segment
of ‘diehard’ conservative Kikuyus favour the emergence of a ‘dark
horse’ in the person of the Minister for Internal Security, Prof
George Saitoti (a Masai/Kikuyu) as a possible inheritor of the Kikuyu
block of votes per chance Uhuru Kenyatta is excluded from the contest.
It is rumoured that Prof Saitoti has a Kikuyu lineage hence the
affinity of some Kikuyus towards him. Opposition to this alliance is
already mounting and has allegedly led to formation a group known as
Kikuyus for Change – a coalition of those who see the KKK alliance as
an extension of the old style politics rooted in ethnic appeals and
patronage.

So where do we go from here? The palpable wish among Kenyans to find
the best way to challenge entrenched power structures of the malignant
political class and virulent power elite is commendable. The
progressive letterings in the new constitution will require a
conducive political environment for its effective implementation.
There will be efforts – indeed desperate ones – to contaminate such an
environment by the same people who have been associated implicitly or
explicitly with the political rascality and irresponsibility of the
past – who exploited ethnic divisions to service selfish interests and
primitive accumulation.

Expectations are high that the forthcoming elections could become that
long-awaited keen contest between the progressives and the so-called
‘dinosaurs’. Candidates like 27-year-old Ms Kamenchu Kingwa and Ms
Martha Karua – both female aspirants for the presidency -- symbolise a
radical departure from the past and mirror the yearnings and
aspirations of the youth and women for a deeper democratic space in
Kenya. A broad interpretation of Chapter Six of the constitution could
provide a level playing field that will lay a foundation for that new
Kenya that many Kenyans dream of – where transparency, centrifugal
devolution of powers, political accountability, professionalism,
commitment and meritocracy will be enthroned above cronyism, divisive
hostility, backward political ethnicity and corruption.

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* Uche Igwe is a governance expert. He can be reached via [email protected].
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment
online at Pambazuka News.


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