The Panthou Fiasco: Kiir's government needs to resign now
BY: Elhag Paul, RSS

MAY 02/2012, SSN; It was 26th March 2012 and without prior warning,
SPLA, the army of the RSS swiftly with a lightening speed reacted to
Khartoum’s provocations of continuous assault on the border areas by
beating the aggressor and occupying its base, Panthou (Heglig).

President Kiir makes a victorious statement to the SPLM National
Liberation Council conference at Nykoroun in Juba.  As usual, without
understanding the international implications, the chorus of Oyees
approving the president’s action from the indoctrinated delegates drew
out every noise.

Magnanimously, Kiir unilaterally withdraws RSS troops in a gesture for
peace.  Khartoum not having learnt a lesson went on its business of
aggression as usual.  Within a fortnight, SPLA was back in action
capturing Panthou for the second time due to continuous aerial
bombardment and ground incursion from Sudan Armed Forces (SAF).

Kiir makes another announcement - there would be no withdrawal this
time, after all Panthou is part of South Sudan territory as per map of
the Sudan as of 01/01/1956.

All these announcements by president Kiir are reminiscent of victories
scored by the SPLA during the two decades long conflict prior to
secession of South Sudan.  In those days, South Sudanese instinctively
switched on their radios at 3.00 p.m. Sudan local time to listen to
radio SPLM/A.  They listened to reports from the various theatres of
military operations.

Oppressed by Khartoum, anything that came from radio SPLM/A was a
tonic panacea to most South Sudanese. This was then when Southern
Sudanese were fighting their own government (the Sudan) and they did
not need any extensive foreign diplomacy.  After all, diplomacy meant
cash and the movement was starved of it.  Even in those days there was
a semblance of diplomacy.  In London, Nairobi and Washington one could
hear the voices of learnt members of the movement like Dr Richard
Mula, late Dr Samson Kwaje, and Mr. Steven Wondu, defending the
interest of South Sudan in BBC Focus on Africa.

This time, president Kiir’s military announcements unfortunately did
not find sympathetic ears around the capitals of the world that
matter.  In these centers of world power and influence, South Sudanese
ambassadors are no where to be seen leave alone heard.

So, Kiir’s message to the world about South Sudan land rights and its
right to self defense remained raw and unarticulated with a
catastrophic result.

The world judging by the limited information to them branded RSS as
the aggressor while the true aggressor – Khartoum- got away with
murder because it efficiently used its best minds to misinform the
world.

On RSS’ side, some of the worst brains in the country were appointed
to foreign service. Take for example, the recent appointments of
ambassadors – the majority are people who have neither the quality,
nor qualifications.  They have neither experience, nor the command of
the English language, or the ability to self present appropriately.

A chunk of them were doing interesting jobs in the west and other
parts of the world.  Their embodiment is in this interview:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_detailpage&v=05a8-lqy4PQ#t=272s

So with this kind of ambassadors presenting what is supposed to be the
face of South Sudan, what chance has RSS got to be heard in centers of
power and global markets of influence around the world?

President Kiir is now reaping the fruits of his own making.  As the
Bible tells us - you reap what you sow.  But perhaps the most
revealing thing is the maxim: a hyena gives birth to a hyena.

A country led by people of limited capacity who do not accept savvy
advice will always be represented by people of limited capacity with
simplistic ideas leading to simplistic decisions.  Let us face it.
This is the bitter reality.

The fiasco that is called Panthou war is very disheartening.  At the
heart of all this is the fact that RSS has a ‘one-man, one-tribe and
one-party government’ bereft of any coherent ideology, governance
skills and capacity.

Whereas RSS has in abundance people who are world class professionals
in these areas, they are being deprived of contributing to the
development of their country by cheer Dinkocracy.

Had RSS had a competent government with robust opposition, the
decision to respond to Khartoum’s continuous aggression would have
been carefully weighed and every nitty-gritty discussed thoroughly
with a carefully considered wise decision alongside contingency plans.

As it turns out, the decision to go to Panthou was an ill-thought out
knee jerk reaction that has cost RSS dearly in terms of public
relations, wasted human resource, economic resource and complicating
the conundrum of Panthou itself.

On the internal front the cost has been high. A raised false
expectation of victory in reclaiming lost land ended with dashed
hopes. Unnecessary loss of lives of innocent civilians. Unnecessary
exposure of citizens in states bordering the Sudan to intensified
terror from aerial bombardments and sustained fear of violence; and
exposing the collective psyche of South Sudanese citizens to anxiety.

What is all these for? Just to crow with clenched fist raised high,
‘Anina rujal! (We are men!); SPLA gawi! (Mighty SPLA)’  Is this not
utter foolery?

The Oyee party needs to know that going to war is not just as simple
as in the case of rebellion where one can pick up a bird rifle and go
to the bush to make a point. Even in such circumstances the objective
has to be well thought out with a contingency plan B.

When the people of South Sudan rebelled against Khartoum it was much
easier as that was internationally considered to be an internal
Sudanese matter.

In state to state violence, things are different. Violence in this
arena is guided by international law and a sophisticated level of
manipulation – wheeling and dealing. It is not a case of whether you
have rights or not.  It is a case of intrigues and outwitting
opponents involving fine diplomacy and clever use of media.

In the world of today, wars are won or lost on the altar of media.
Before plunging into action there needs to be extensive ground work
and the best brains in this area.  This involves lobbying and
consultation with centers of world power whose purpose is to secure
solid support when things ultimately come to that tall building in New
York.

To make this point clear, just look at what Israel is doing currently
in its preparation against Iran.  It shouts loud about its case and
the objective of its intended actions to enlighten the world.  It
dispatches seasoned envoys to countries that matter to gather support
for any future action. It complains to UN and so on.

To hammer the point home, let us look at the Gulf war in 2003 and the
current events in Syria.  Before the Americans and British invaded
Iraq, they consulted widely and tried to manipulate the UN although
they met stiff resistance from the other European countries.  It was
only after such a ground work that they eventually went into action in
Iraq.

Now with the case of Syria, the Syrians used their resources during
peace time to purchase insurance for themselves from Russia.
Confident that Russia would protect them in the tall building in New
York, they ignored the international community in their quest to
restore stability to their country using force.  When the west
demanded action on Syria, they were blocked by Russia at the UN,

In RSS’ case, Panthou remains unknown to the wider world. Even at the
time of the Hague ruling, the inept pedantic vice president in the
person of Riek Machar failed to articulate the point.

Riek and Kiir must take full responsibility for their failure to let
down the people of Panthou in particular and the South Sudanese at
large.  The complication of Panthou’s case and the spin by Khartoum
solely emanates from the incompetence of this duo.

RSS failed to do its homework in spite of the fact that Khartoum had
been violating its sovereignty right from the day it achieved
independence.

No doubt this is because the ministry of foreign affairs is a total
shamble.  President Kiir, the emperor of Dinkocracy, appoints his
tribes mates and Oyee party apparatchiks as ambassadors even when such
people have not got the qualities, qualifications, skills as
elaborated above.

Because of GoSS limited capacity, they do not know that they are doing
the country disservice by such appointments. A good example is the
ambassador in Kenya. He is the embodiment of president Kiir’s ministry
of foreign affairs.

Paradoxically, learnt and experienced diplomats like Dr James Okuk who
should be crisscrossing the world to make the case for Panthou are
being abused in Juba by the system.  What a waste of human resource?
Is it any wonder why the Sudan is winning the diplomatic war?

The foreign minister, Nhail Deng Nhail, has been silent since his appointment.

The Abyei boys (foreigners by definition of CPA) and Pagan Amum walk
all over this ministry of foreign affairs by conducting RSS important
negotiations abroad based on SPLM’s policy of ‘New Sudan’ oblivious to
the fact that South Sudan is an independent sovereign state and the
ideology of New Sudan died on 9th January 2011 when South Sudanese
overwhelmingly voted to secede.

If the late Col. Dr John Garang himself was alive today, he would have
certainly reviewed this obsolete policy of New Sudan in order to
pragmatically deal with the current reality.

This brings us to the question: What is the current reality?  South
Sudan’s relationship with the Sudan is affected mainly by the
unfinished matters of the CPA.  Abyei, border demarcation, oil export
and Sudanese former members of the SPLM/A now known as SPLM/A (North).

These issues have ensnared South Sudan to the extent that it
constantly exposes the poor governance in Juba.  It is abundantly
clear that GoSS has proven beyond doubt that it is incapable of
managing the relationship with the Sudan in a matured manner.  There
are signs that this inability is now getting out of control and
spilling into international relation.

For example, the whining and whinging about Mr Thabo Mbeki is getting
into a level of unjustified frenzy.  Let us suppose that Mr Mbeki is
biased.  What about the Americans, European Union, UN, AU which all
without exception condemned RSS’ military action?

Are all these countries and organizations anti-South Sudan?  Why
strive to demonize someone from a very important country in Africa?
Gunning for Mbeki will not sit well with ANC the ruling party in South
Africa, or any rational person.

In the end it will be South Sudan that will lose rather than the
Sudan.  Even if Mbeki was biased, South Sudan would best engage the
authorities in Tswane (Pretoria) to influence events than to publicly
vilify him.

This of course is something unique to the Oyee party rulers since
their ability in diplomacy is wanting.  This vilification of Mbeki is
not about Mbeki.  It is GoSS projecting it’s shameful failures in
diplomacy onto the person of Mbeki who is a competent African leader
who understands African affairs better than the Dinkocrats themselves
in Juba.

Mbeki has outstanding credentials as a leader.  He came to power
democratically and led his country (South Africa) successfully for two
terms and peacefully.

Who in South Sudan today can claim to match his achievements in
governance and diplomacy? Rather than spoiling relationship with
African brothers and sisters unnecessarily, GoSS needs to employ
competent people who understand what diplomacy means to be the mouth
of the country.

So, it is the inability of the Oyee party to manage relationship with
the Sudan that has landed RSS into a military conflict, which was not
necessary at all.  But once war started and South Sudan regained
Panthou militarily, there was no reason at all to cede it to the
colonialists of Khartoum.

South Sudan should have gone the whole hog to settle Panthou’s case
once and for all.  Panthou is historically and tribally part of South
Sudan.

South Sudanese oral history aside, Douglas Johnson, an authority in
Sudanese history in his book titled ‘When Boundaries become Borders:
the impact of boundary-making in South Sudan’s frontier zones’,
published in 2010 by Rift Valley Institute in UK on page 28, points
out that there are 7 main areas of possible disputes due to lack of
clarity.

One of these is “the oil fields of Unity and Southern Kordofan areas”.
 It is clear that the wording and/or description of this area clearly
refers to Panthou.

Johnson further on page 59 argues that although, the current maps
locate the Heglig and Kharasana oilfields inside South Kordofan, both
the GoSS and the Unity state government base their claims of these
fields on the Rueng assertion that both fields lie within traditional
territory.  It is worth noting that during the British colonial rule,
the method used to mark boundaries was based on the principle of
tribal territory.

Now since the British transferred Rueng Dinka from the Nuba province
to Upper Nile province in 1931, by inference the traditional lands of
Rueng must follow to fall within Upper Nile, that is before the
creation of Unity state by General Nimeiri’s regime whose intent was
to steal Panthou.

Given this, there can be no credible argument to diminish South
Sudan’s claim to Panthou.  In addition, it is common knowledge that
South Sudan borders have been pushed southwards since time immemorial.

Therefore, president Kiir was right to claim Panthou when the South
Sudanese army recovered it from the Sudan.  His only grave error was
to cede it once again to Khartoum sending a wrong signal to the
international community that the area belongs to the Sudan.  South
Sudan should have stayed put while articulating the matter to the
world.

Khartoum’s sophisticated misinformation machine managed even to
confuse Mr. Alex De Waal who is referred to as an expert in South
Sudan – Sudan affairs.

On 17th April 2012 at 6.30 p.m. at Brunei Gallery in School of
Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London, Mr. Alex De Waal in a
lecture titled ‘Alex de Waal's African Arguments Online lecture to the
Royal African Society’ authoritatively said “The 1956 border clearly
shows Heglig to be within North Sudan. However, South Sudanese make a
claim to the area based on traditional tribal land ownership.”

What De Waal failed to point out here was that during the British
colonial period border determination was based on traditional tribal
land ownership.  This is crucial point for anyone to understand the
context and method of border determination at the time of independence
of the Sudan as there are no authoritative maps for 1956.

Challenging Mr. De Waal, Mr Karlo Kuol, a South Sudanese, briefly but
clearly spoke about Nimeiri’s regime activities of pushing the border
further south when oil was discovered by Chevron in late 1970s which
led to annexation of Panthou to South Kordofan to ensure that the oil
resources belonged to North Sudan.  In light of this, Kuol asked De
Waal: how could Panthou be part of North Sudan?

In response, De Waal said, “You (Kuol) are right” accepting that
Panthou was annexed to North Sudan recently.  The audience looked
surprised and they started making their own notes.

The failure of the world to know about Panthou is a result of the
muddle created by Riek Machar and the Abyei boys by taking the case of
Abyei to the Hague in the first place.

The hurry to sort out Abyei without careful planning has led to Abyei
losing a huge chunk of its land.  Meiram and Muglad are among areas
belonging to Abyei lost to Khartoum through the Hague ruling.  Up to
now nobody has spoken about this huge loss.

Abyei’s claim of Panthou dragged it into the Hague resulting into the
current crisis.  Panthou was never part of Abyei.  Record clearly
shows it was part of Upper Nile when it was returned from the Nuba
province in 1931.  Why was it dragged to The Hague is anybody’s guess?

One could argue that perhaps because the Rueng Dinka are perceived as
weak by the others, it became easy to sacrifice them as a compromise
to return Abyei to South Sudan quickly.

Johnson, on page 30 of his book writes: “The matter was finally taken
out of the provisions of the CPA to the permanent court of arbitration
(PCA) in The Hague, where a compromise was reached.  Both sides
publicly accepted the compromise and promised to implement it
immediately.”  The important key word here is ‘compromise’.  It
implies a deal was struck somehow in the process.

The question is: why sell out the Rueng Dinka?  Are they not like
Abyeians, Bari, Chollo, Nuer and the rest?  Why trade them for Abyei?
This blatant discrimination and oppression of the Rueng people is just
not acceptable.

So, the vice president and the Abyei boys spoilt things for RSS.  This
is all the more why foreigners should not be appointed to positions of
influence and strategic importance in GoSS.  True citizens of South
Sudan in Rueng Dinka have become dispossessed for selfish act of the
incompetent vice president Riek Machar and the emotional Abyei boys.
This issue needs a full judicial enquiry.

The leadership of president Kiir and the Oyee party under the grip of
Abyei boys has failed RSS.  They led South Sudan to a pyrrhic victory.
 Effectively RSS came out as the loser with huge losses in human
resources (army), land, image and public relations.

President Kiir publicly crowed that he would not take orders from the
secretary general of the UN.  However he ended up doing exactly just
that.  Maybe he might want to explain to the citizens of South Sudan
why the change of heart and the subsequent subordination to the UN.

The army gallantly did what they had to do with professionalism and
dignity, but the political leadership let them down badly.  South
Sudanese having being taken through this roller coaster obviously
deserve better.

With all the losses taken, the government needs to resign now and let
a care taker government of national unity take control to organize
election for a government of the people by the people for the people.

Even the mouth pieces of Dinkocracy, Isaiah Abraham, has already
concluded that Kiir’s administration does not serve the interest of
the country.  Enough is enough with this joke of government.

Elhag Paul; RSS. [email protected]

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