Diary: A ‘Soldier’s Peace’? Angola Forum, Chatham House – By Eric Cooper

May 1, 2012
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Angola is a country in serious transition. Leading indicators (from
the admittedly scarce data available) suggest change has been afoot
since the end of the civil war in 2002 – shortly after the death of
rebel leader Jonas Savimbi and the signing of the Luena accord.

Human Development Index (HDI) ranking is increasing, inflation has
fallen dramatically, health expenditure per capita has increased
13-fold and overall economic growth is forecast to rise by 12 percent
this year. But like many other African countries, this data reflects a
somewhat misleading reality: Angola’s incredible economic growth has
been driven almost entirely by petro-chemical dollars, alongside
fledgling secondary and tertiary industries which support it. There is
little data to suggest Angolans at-large are significantly engaged
with and benefiting from this growth.

This cannot necessarily be attributed solely to the country’s
undiversified oil economy, however. One-party political rule led by
President Dos Santos’ MPLA — whose principle aim seems to largely be
suppressing opposition in the interests of a nationalist unity — and a
stagnated economic force caused in part by returning UNITA soldiers
who face acrimonious feelings from their communities, are two of the
main culprits contributing to mass disenfranchisement. The
consequences of which will be discussed later.

The recent Angola Forum at Chatham House, billed simply as ‘Angola:
Celebrating 10 years of peace’ was an effort to delve more deeply into
the data, providing a retrospective analysis of several key indicators
of peace (or the lack of), along with projections and forward-looking
ideas about Angola’s future. Central themes included legacies of the
conflict and a review of the achievements and challenges facing the
oil-rich nation.

The forum began with remarks by the newly appointed Angolan Ambassador
to the United Kingdom Miguel Neto, who offered a brief review of
Angola’s need for integration into the global economic order.
Ambassador Neto’s remarks were followed by Dr Christopher Alden, whose
work as an International Relations reader at LSE led him to conduct
research on soldier reintegration after the civil war. He asserted
that negative perceptions of former (mainly UNITA) militants in their
communities was the single greatest barrier to sustained economic
growth, preventing a large and economically ambitious group of people
from invigorating local and national economies. These former
militants, while representative of a common problem in post-conflict
areas, reflect an uneasy and perhaps unwilling peace which has formed
in Angola.

Remarks by Justin Pearce, ESRC postdoctoral fellow at SOAS, carried
this point even further. He suggested that it was a ‘soldier’s peace’
in Angola – a fragile peace fashioned around a soldier’s
interpretation of a state-driven nationalist ideal. This so-called
peace is characterised by unease and discord—hardly the hallmark of a
nation on the march to real societal change.

Pearce here points out the work of noted Angolan scholar Christine
Messiant, who has observed a new kind of nationalism forged since the
end of the Civil War. This is a nationalism which is “primarily geared
to reject outside interference with the current political transition.
The emphasis on unity and reconciliation…is…meant to call all groups
to rally behind the banner of the MPLA” — an insightful reference to
the nature of Angola’s overarching political and economic struggle.

As Pearce further observes, the current political situation in Angola
is rooted in the legacy of the Civil War and the way in which it ended
in 2002. The MPLA defined itself as the defender of the real Angola
and of a singular national interest, excluding UNITA entirely — as
oppositional forces ‘were construed as contrary to the national
interest’.

And ten years on from the end of the war, the MPLA is still in power
and still ruling through this period of ‘transition’, with little or
no acknowledgement of oppositional opinion. This could, as Pearce
posited, disrupt the ‘path of peace and…damage the new post-war
consensus and social order.’

The aforementioned data, suggesting incredible economic growth in the
country, is an incomplete representation of the Angolan situation and
fails to draw attention to the crisis at the heart of Angolan
politics. Crucially, the economic figures, which hinge almost
exclusively on developments in the hydrocarbon sector, ignore the fact
that the mentality amongst Angola’s political elite is to reject
discourse in the interests of apparent unity and stability. The
consequence of this one-party rule is political stagnation due to a
lack of scrutiny, transparency and accountability which renders the
vital instruments of statecraft undeveloped.

The remarks and report submitted by Markus Weimer of Chatham House
amplify the above point, using World Bank data which indicates the
business environment in Angola is plagued by corruption, land access
issues and poor customs and trade regulations. Without a shift in this
mindset, leading to open debate and discourse, socio-political
progress is difficult to forecast, despite the seeming promise of the
country’s economy. By focusing on illusory economic indicators
determined by resource sector developments, at the expense of
improving the political landscape, Angola runs the very real risk of
ignoring its greatest resource: its people.



Eric Cooper is an African Studies and Development Studies student at
the School of Oriental and African Studies, London.

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