Strained Sudan-South Sudan Relations: Who pays the price?


By Luka Biong Deng

June 24 2012 - South Sudan and Sudan have now resumed the second round
of the talks in Addis Ababa in their efforts to implement the African
Union Roadmap, aimed at finding solutions for the pending issues and
normalizing their relations.

This round will be critical as the people of the two states attach
high hopes and expect positive signals as the consequences of strained
relations are painfully unfolding. Since the first round of talks did
not produce results except diplomatic achievement by the South, the
parties are becoming worried about the outcomes of the Roadmap and the
role of African Union High-Level Implementation Panel.

While the South promptly accepted the Roadmap only within four days of
its adoption, Sudan reluctantly accepted it; raising concerns over the
involvement of United Nations Security Council. Despite this
acceptance, the parties seem to have either misread or underestimated
the role of the Panel.

With the time bound for concluding the talks in three months is now
approaching, the parties started to question the credibility and
neutrality of the Panel. While President Omar el Bashir in his address
to the NCP leadership doubted the credibility of the Panel over the
proposed map for the demilitarization zone, President Salva Kiir in
his address to Parliament expressed that the South would go for
arbitration over the contested border areas and would not accept any
solution that might temper with its territory.

 Despite such doubts, the parties have paradoxically accepted the
Panel to be their final arbitrator on the issues that they might fail
to agree within three months. Even the option of arbitration over the
contested border areas will only be a possibility if the parties agree
on it as a solution or if the Panel proposed it as a solution in case
the parties fail to agree within three months.

I suspect that the Panel will be reluctant to defer any issue beyond
the four months and it may come up with solutions that would minimize
further tensions in the strained relations of the two states. Rather
than wasting efforts in doubting the credibility of the Panel, the
parties should be sensitive to the expectations of their people and to
take these talks seriously so as to find win-win solutions that would
improve their strained relations.

Since the unilateral decision of the South to stop its oil production
and not to use oil infrastructure in Sudan and the decision of Sudan
to close its border with a ‘shoot-to-kill’ policy for any smugglers of
goods to the South, the relations between the two countries
deteriorated.

Such strained relations reached the climax when the two countries
fought over the contested area of Panthou. The humiliating defeat of
Sudan in Panthou exposed the racist attitude of President Bashir when
he described the people of the South as insects and slaves. Each party
has been calculating that these decisions will weaken the other party
so that they will be more reasonable during the negotiations. The real
question is who is paying the price of the strained relations of the
two countries?

Generally, the economies of the two countries have been badly affected
by their strained relations. While the South has temporary lost oil
revenue that constituted 98% of its budget, Sudan has lost more than
30% of its revenue from oil-related fees from the South, and almost
more than 80% of its foreign exchange earnings. With the closure of
its border with the South, Sudan is losing huge foreign earnings from
trade; which are now flowing to East African countries, as well as
Ethiopia and Eritrea.

The monthly inflation rate, which used to be one digit, has reached
more than 30% in Sudan and around 25% in the South. The exchange rate,
which was less than 3 Sudanese Pounds and 3 South Sudanese Pounds per
dollar, has reached almost 6 Sudanese Pounds and 5 South Sudanese
Pounds in the parallel market. Even the new South Sudanese pound that
was at parity with Sudanese pound has now appreciated to about 1.25
Sudanese pounds.

In fact the strained relations between the two countries may turn out
to be a blessing in disguise, particularly for the South. The two
countries have been suffering from the “Resource Curse” and “Dutch
Disease” with their symptoms clearly revealed by their strained
relations. With strained relations, the leaders in the two states are
seriously looking now of how to manage their economies without oil
windfall.

While Sudan has embarked on serious austerity measures of lifting
subsidies on fuels and reducing the size of the public sector, the
South has been focusing on mobilizing non-oil revenues, public sector
reforms, fighting corruption and more investment in agriculture. The
collection of non-oil revenue by the Ministry of Finance in the South
has substantially increased for the first time. Also the efforts of
the Anti-Corruption in the South to retrieve stolen funds have been
yielding good results. Equally the government in the South is looking
at its old books to recover the stolen funds from “sorghum saga”.

Sudan faces a deficit of $10 billion as a result of the secession of
the South. It has a total debt of $40 billion, with annual debt and
interest payments consuming most of its scarce foreign earnings.
Before relations strained, the South was ready not only to mobilise
Sudan’s creditors for debt relief but also to assist financially and
use its diplomatic relations to solicit financial assistance for
Sudan. Given the bad image of Sudan and its low creditworthiness, the
South would be in a better position to convince creditors,
particularly in the Arab and Islamic countries.

In fact, the people of the two countries are the ones who suffer most
from the strained relations. Although the South may transform this
situation into new opportunities, Sudan will remain a strategic
neighbour. Managing relations with Sudan will be critical for
economic, social and political stability of the South considering that
more than half of its population lives in states bordering Sudan and
more than half of its international borders are with Sudan. In
addition, the two countries share the natural link of the River Nile
and a wealth of social relations.

Luka Biong is a senior member of South Sudan’s governing Sudan
People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). He is currently the Chief
Representative of South Sudan President in Abyei Joint Oversight
Committee. He can be reached via [email protected]

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