Congolese Warlord Gets 14 Years for Using Child Soldiers

Landmark ruling by ICC welcomed, but victims' rights groups think it
should have gone further.

By Blake Evans-Pritchard - International Justice - ICC



ACR Issue 325,

10 Jul 12

Convicted Congolese warlord Thomas Lubanga Dyilo has been sentenced to
14 years in jail, but he will have six years knocked off his sentence
for the time he has already served in detention in The Hague.

Rights groups broadly welcomed the sentence passed at the
International Criminal Court, ICC, in The Hague on July 10, although
they expressed some disappointment that it did not fully take into
account the long-lasting harm suffered by Lubanga’s victims.

Lubanga was convicted on March 14 this year of conscripting child
soldiers under the age of 15 into his militia group – the Union of
Congolese Patriots, UPC – and using them to participate in hostilities
in the Ituri region of the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC, between
2002 and 2003.

In view of Lubanga’s financial situation, ICC judges decided not to
impose a fine on Lubanga, which they could have done under the terms
of the Rome Statute, the court’s founding document.

“Despite extensive inquiries by the court, no relevant funds have been
identified,” presiding Judge Adrian Fulford said as he read out a
summary of the sentence.

Lubanga has been detained in The Hague since March 2006, when he was
transferred from the DRC.

Judges rejected the defence’s request for time that Lubanga previously
spent in prison in the DRC to be deducted from his sentence. Judges
said they were unable to show that his incarceration in DRC was
related to the crimes for which he has been tried in The Hague.

The defence can appeal against the sentence. The prosecution issued a
statement saying it was now considering whether to appeal, and noted
that it had requested a longer sentence “in line with the gravity of
the crimes and the aggravating circumstances”.

It is not clear where Lubanga will serve his sentence at this point.
Since the ICC has no facilities for incarcerating those it convicts,
he will probably be transferred to one of the member states that
support the court.

Judge Elizabeth Odio Benito issued a separate opinion dissenting from
the conclusions drawn by the majority of the bench, indicating that in
her view, Lubanga should have been sentenced to 15 years.

She suggested that the 14-year sentence did not adequately take into
account the damage caused to Lubanga’s victims and their families,
particularly from the harsh punishments inflicted on the child
soldiers and the sexual violence suffered by many victims.

This view was shared by Redress, a London-based human rights
organisation, which had been calling for the wider impact of Lubanga’s
actions to be considered as part of his sentence.

“Child soldiers are often forced to attack their own villages or
commit atrocities against their own families and neighbours,” Gaelle
Carayon, ICC advocacy officer at Redress, said. “When they return
home, they are stigmatised by their old communities. Many will have
lost out on schooling, and find it difficult to go back. Being a child
soldier is not just about being conscripted and put at risk of
violence. The consequences are much further-reaching than that.”

OMISSION OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE CHARGES

Despite campaigning from women’s rights groups, sexual violence
towards women did not play a part in determining Lubanga’s sentence.
Although Lubanga was never charged with crimes of sexual violence, the
ICC’s rules of procedure allow for additional crimes to be considered
at the sentencing stage.

Judges agreed that “sexual violence, rape and congenital subservience”
took place at the time when Lubanga was attempting to exert control
over Ituri. However, they concluded that insufficient evidence had
been presented to establish a link between this sexual violence and
the recruitment of child soldiers of which Lubanga was convicted.

Judge Fulford had some harsh words for former ICC prosecutor Luis
Moreno-Ocampo, who he said should have been more open to including
sexual violence charges in the first place.

“The chamber strongly deprecates the attitude of the former prosecutor
in relation to the issue of sexual violence,” said Fulford. “Not only
did the former prosecutor fail to apply to include sexual violence or
sexual slavery at any stage during these proceedings, including in the
original charges, but he actively opposed taking this step during the
trial when he submitted that it would cause unfairness to the accused
if he was convicted on this basis.”

Although the failure to include sexual violence in the initial charges
was not a factor in considering whether the issue should play a role
in sentencing, Fulford indicated that the prosecution team had not
managed to introduce sufficient evidence during the trial to warrant
such a move.

Brigid Inder, executive director of the Women’s Initiative for Gender
Justice, described the failure of the judges to account for sexual
violence in their sentencing of Lubanga as “a devastating decision”.

“The Rome Statute contains the most advanced articulation in
international criminal law of acts of sexual violence committed,
particularly in armed conflict situations, and yet the first case for
the ICC didn’t include any charges for gender-based crimes,” Inder
said.

Inder believes that if the prosecution had been more systematic in
building a case against Lubanga, it might have been able to dig up
evidence demonstrating a link between the convicted war criminal and
the crimes of sexual violence that judges acknowledge did take place.

“Unfortunately, the former prosecutor chose not to amend the charges
when there was still time to do so, particularly before the
confirmation of charges hearing back in 2006,” she said. “The charging
decisions in this case hampered the progress all the way along,
including at the sentencing stage.”

Inder said she was disappointed the judges did not recognise the
widespread commission of acts of sexual violence, despite the number
of prosecution and defence witnesses who gave testimony on this.

Moreno-Ocampo’s handling of the sexual violence issue was not the only
rebuke he received from the ICC judges. Judge Fulford also criticised
the way the prosecutor’s actions resulted in two stays of proceedings–
something he said was prejudicial to the well-being of the accused,
detained in The Hague since 2006.

“First, the prosecution gathered an extensive quantity of evidence
under confidential agreements... leading to a failure to disclose
exculpatory material,” said Fulford. “Second, the prosecution
repeatedly failed to comply with the chamber’s disclosure orders.”

Both shortcomings by the prosecution led, on separate occasions, to
stays of proceedings and provisional orders to release Lubanga.

Despite this, Fulford said, Lubanga was “respectful and cooperative
throughout proceedings” – and this was taken into account in deciding
the sentence.

Fulford also reserved some criticism for Moreno-Ocampo’s former
deputy, Béatrice Le Fraper du Hellen , who, in an article in March
2010, made what judges considered to be “misleading statements” about
the accused which were prejudicial to the case.

“There have been some unprecedented errors by the former prosecutor in
this case... that we haven’t really seen [to the same extent] in other
tribunals, and this has led to the very disappointing outcome that we
have now seen,” said Inder. “People are hopeful that the new
prosecutor will bring a new kind of leadership, improvements and
changes to the ICC – building on things that have worked and on the
skills that have been developed – in order to make the court more
successful and effective in future prosecutions.”

One thing that should change, notes Inder, is an over-reliance on
secondary material, such as media and NGO reports, in framing criminal
charges. It would be far better, she says, to allow investigators to
go out into the field and gather first-hand statements and base
charges on that.

“This would likely lead to more effective charging, the successful
confirmation of more charges and a clearer strategy for proceeding
with prosecutions,” Inder said.

Disappointed by aspects of the sentence, human rights groups are now
hoping that a separate decision on reparations will redress matters by
making victims central to the case again. A ruling on reparations had
been expected in parallel with sentencing, but judges took a
last-minute decision to postpone this. (See Lubanga Verdict Prompts
Debate on Reparations for more on this issue.)

Blake Evans-Pritchard is an IWPR reporter in The Hague.

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