Conflicts over urban agriculture in Harare, Zimbabwe – by Anna Brazier


July 10, 2012





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Winter in Harare is almost over. Walking my kids to school in the
morning across frosty vleis, strewn with festering rubbish, we see the
first signs of the agricultural season awakening. Litter is being
raked into piles, maize stalks cleared into heaps and the dried weeds
levelled to form little patchwork fields most about 100m2. You rarely
see the farmers. They must emerge at dawn and dusk between their
working hours. Many are probably local domestics. They have developed
a system for dividing up the land between them, a natural autopoesis.
There are no kraal heads in the city to allocate land and the
municipality certainly don’t have any official mechanism. It is the
same in urban areas all over Zimbabwe.

Soon these tiny fields will be meticulously cultivated and weeded and
the rubbish dumpers will be shamed into reducing their practice until
the maize has grown tall enough for their piles to be concealed.
Maize, pumpkins and sugar beans will replace piles of cans and plastic
bottles. The more enterprising will make mounds for sweet potatoes but
this is hard work and in drier areas groundnuts and nyimo beans may be
planted. People of Mozambican or Malawian descent often grow pigeon
pea and cassava on field margins.

When the rains come, the black vlei soil will turn from cracked
concrete into a great organic sponge drawing water into it. The maize
will struggle, as it does each year. The humble applications of
fertiliser bought with precious savings, will be rapidly leached into
the groundwater (and end up causing eutrophication in streams and
rivers) leaving the maize stalks chlorotic and the plants tottering on
their strange support roots under up-to a foot of water. Despite this,
harvests are better than in rural areas where the climate has now
become too erratic and the soils too exhausted for feasible maize
cultivation without irrigation and expensive fertiliser applications.
According to a report by AGRITEX in 2009, urban and peri-urban areas
had the highest maize yields in the country.

It is estimated that 10% of land in Harare is used for urban
agriculture. This is land which belongs to the city or private owners
but is undeveloped giving it an interesting psychosocial status. The
rich see it as unsightly wasteland. Judging by the number of Scotch
bottles and disposable nappies, which I view on my walks, the people
dumping here are far from poor. The poor view it is as a resource.
Small wooden or plastic shacks creep up in secluded spots, apostolic
churches clear little demarcated patches for their congregations and
urban farmers divide up the rest.

Much of this land is wetland – stream margins and seasonally swamped
areas. These areas have been protected by the authorities since
colonial times – controlled through legislation because of their
ecological vulnerability and left undeveloped because of their
challenges for construction. The vlei soils have a dynamic
personality, ballooning with moisture during the rainy season and
shrinking to become cracked and rock-like during the dry months,
making it very expensive to build here. As the city expands and as
people desert an increasingly harsh rural lifestyle, this land is
becoming a hot spot of urban conflict between farmers, developers
(both legal and illegal), conservationists and the authorities.

Urban Agriculture is as old as urbanisation. As Yoshikuni (2007)
explains, when black workers were finally allowed to live in towns,
most wanted settlements which resembled their rural homes where they
could cultivate crops. The colonial administration felt that “the
urban African worker ought to be half-ruralist” and thus attempted to
provide model “garden village” suburbs to encourage “positive values
such as family, community, peace and order, as against the supposed
growing evils of urbanism and ‘detribalisation’”. This vision of neat
cottage-style vegetable gardens did not tally with sprawling, unkempt
maize fields, and the identity war began.

Since independence, ritual crop-slashing has become a regular
municipal practice despite legislation which actually protects urban
agriculture (signed in 2003). Operation Murambatsvina in 2005 was,
amongst many other things, a particularly violent attack on city
farmers. Wole and Tungwara (2005) describe it as a display of the
“technocratic mentality of urban aesthetics (cleanliness and beauty),
based on the colonial legacy of the clean ‘city’”. Harris, (citing
Burke, 1996) sees the operation as part of the “racialisation of dirt
and illness”, stemming from times when colonial missionaries instilled
in Zimbabweans a deep-rooted link between traditional lifestyles,
bodily dirt, dirty thoughts and dirty living habits. In Operation
Murambatsvina, illegal cultivation was seen as part of a suite of
unsavoury activities, which, according to Comrade Makwavarara’s speech
at the launch of the operation, had led to “the deterioration of
standards, thus negatively affecting the image of our City” which had
been “renowned for its cleanliness, decency, peace [and] tranquil
environment.”

Environmentalists have also become increasingly vocal against urban
farming in their attempts to preserve wetlands. The use of pesticides
and fertilisers as well as inappropriate tillage methods and poor crop
choice not only pollute the wetlands. They also threaten wildlife and
the vital ecosystem services of water purification, hydrological
management and soil protection that the wetlands provide.

Yet traditional wetland agriculture is in fact a sustainable practice,
dating back centuries. Before shifting cultivation became the norm,
communities settled around wetlands where ridges were developed for
crops such as tsenza, cucurbits, madhumbes (yams) and vegetables;
grains and livestock were restricted to upland areas. During the
1920s, commercial farmers began ploughing and cultivating wetlands for
wheat, maize and tobacco. Soil erosion and drying-out of wetlands soon
began to spread. Realising the hydrological implications, the colonial
government passed the Water Act and The Natural Resources Act,
effectively banning cultivation in these areas. However during the
1990s, specialists at the Horticulture Research Station in Marondera
developed appropriate and sustainable wetland systems based on
traditional crops and organic practices, thereby proving that modern
wetland cultivation can still be possible without environmental
damage.

Attitudes to urban agriculture are changing. In 2010 Harare
Metropolitan Governor, Dr David Karimanzira announced that: “Although
farming was regarded as dirty and only for the rural people, it can
also be done in urban areas to supplement families’ income…Land reform
should not only end in the rural areas but also come to the urban
areas because we have open spaces in the province and we thank the
City Fathers for allowing our farmers to grow their crops” (Herald,
2010). He reported that in 2009 the hectarage under cultivation in
Harare increased from 9000 in 2008 to 12 000 in 2009 with a yield
increase from 5,5 tons per hectare to 6,5 tons per hectare.

Urban agriculture brings immense benefits to the city, although it
must be implemented in a socially and ecologically sensitive way.
Through agriculture, humans are constantly interacting with nature and
thus directly learning to value the vital role of ecosystem services.
Through intergenerational knowledge-transfer in urban fields, parents
and grandparents pass on knowledge to young people who may otherwise
lose touch with their rural roots and the natural environment. The
complex social mechanisms (developed by unrelated, un-governed
communities) to divide up land between themselves in the city is
surely a sign of building social cohesion. Urban agriculture
undoubtedly provided a safety net of resilience to people who endured
the economic and political meltdown in 2008.
 Urban agriculture is here to stay: its social, ecological and
economic benefits need to be recognised by environmentalists,
governments and citizens.

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