A civil society deferred: the tertiary grip of violence in the Sudan –
reviewed for Chatham House



July 12, 2012









Review by Aly Verjee – Rift Valley Institute – previously published by
Chatham House here (p.664). A debate on the book was also published on
Making Sense of Sudan here

A civil society deferred is published as Sudan’s crisis of state
failure continues. With domestic wars on three fronts and the
aftermath of the secession of South Sudan in July 2011 turning ever
more acrimonious, Sudan is beset by problems. Abdullahi Gallab’s
passionate concern for the development of a country and society that
is tolerant and humane is the deeper reference in the title’s deferred
civil society, a term broader than discussion of the third sector
alone. But those seeking further insight into Sudan’s current
struggles may be unsatisfied by Gallab’s latest book. In this highly
philosophical account, the author provides a wealth of detail for the
scholar of Sudan’s colonial era, but teases the reader with only
acursory treatment of more contemporary conclusions.

Gallab seeks to situate Sudan in a broader, more comparative
philosophical framework, and the opening three chapters on the
construction of identity and the colonial state seek to connect
Sudan’s nineteenth- and early twentieth-century history to the
analysis of figures as diverse as Jean-Paul Sartre, Crawford Young and
the poet Ahmed wad Sa’d. However, Gallab ultimately falls back on two
familiar ideas: the destructiveness of colonialism, a ‘malignant tumor
… that has stayed alive ever since’ (p. 43); and the thesis of
Sudanese exceptionalism: ‘the Sudanese experience [of the colonial
state] added unique characteristics of naked power, violence, and odd
relationships between the colonizer and the colonized’ (p. 24).

Scholars of Sudan will find Gallab at his best in the middle chapters.
The ‘Tale of three cities’ provides engaging histories of Sudan’s twin
metropolises of Khartoum and Omdurman as well as the empire’s colonial
seat of Cairo. To a former resident of Sudan’s capital, Gallab’s
descriptions of Khartoum’s master plan of urban design and Omdurman’s
foundation as an ‘anticolonial entity’ (p. 62) were absorbing. The
book’s emphasis on the three cities of the Nile’s riverine centre
illustrates Sudan’s historic centre–periphery analysis: other cities,
other areas, no matter their potential significance, are subordinate
to the decisions and influence of the cities and attitudes of the
centre. The contemporary Sudanese state remains strongly orientated
towards the Nile valley.



Gallab returns to a broader analysis in the final chapters, presenting
other scholars of Sudan in comparative perspective. The reader is left
wanting arguments to be more substantially developed. For example,
Gallab validly points out the flaw in rooting analyses that rely on
conceptions of the country as a set of permanent strictures, rather
than as a dynamic construction, but does not pursue the critique.

Hints of application to contemporary situations are contained
throughout. The author writes of an ‘informal resemblance between
[nineteenth-century colonial official] Wingate and [current President
of Sudan] Omar al-Bashir’s counterinsurgency on the cheap [which]
might draw our attention to the similar strategies of domination
regimes pursue and the decentralized forms their counterinsurgencies
take, regardless of dissimilar players, times, and circumstances’ (p.
52). While this is an apt warning to all those analysing Sudan today,
it is also, frustratingly, an incomplete one. The author himself seems
to conclude that change will come through popular disobedience leading
to the fall of the regime, as in the 1964 and 1985 revolutions. There
is hope of ending the ‘different, inherited, and current forms of
tyranny and totalitarianism of the state’ (p. 196). Revolution may
come, as it has in neighbouring Egypt and Libya. But Gallab’s own
analysis confirms that Sudan’s problems will not be solved by
revolution alone.

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