War Drums Continue to Beat in Eastern Congo as Rebels, Government
Announce Changes




Posted by Aaron Hall on Oct 23, 2012








A tenuous stalemate in eastern Congo remains in place between the
Congolese army, or FARDC, and the growing insurgency of the
Rwanda-backed M23. However, a series of recent events might signal
escalation towards conflict in advance of regional talks or further
international intervention.

This past weekend, the president of M23, Bishop Jean-Marie Runiga,
announced that the group was changing the name of its military wing
from M23 to the Congolese Revolutionary Army, or ARC. In light of the
change, Sultani Mkenga, a top commander under the notorious Bosco
Ntaganda and the head of M23 operations and outreach to allied groups
was promoted by Runiga to the rank of general.

With these cosmetic changes in place, Bishop Runiga took the
opportunity to state that M23 still sought negotiations with the
government of Congo and that its top priorities were based on the
protection and development of local communities. However, Runiga
warned that should those negotiations fail to materialize, they would
launch renewed attacks on government positions and seek to expand
their territory. This salvo seems much more a statement of intent to
attack than a plea for civility and community.

The government of Congo has repeatedly stated that it will not
negotiate with M23, and given that Uganda, the current chair of the
International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, or ICGLR—the body
that until now had been tasked with mediating between Congo, Rwanda,
and the rebels—was alleged to also be providing support to M23, the
current framework for talks has been all but destroyed. That leaves
Congo with no credible mechanism for discussions of any kind.

Meanwhile, international pressure has been mounting toward Rwanda,
Uganda, and the leadership of M23. The U.N. Security Council also
announced over the weekend that it intends to place sanctions on the
leadership of M23 for violations of a U.N. arms embargo on Congo. Last
week, a leaked U.N. Group of Experts report claimed that leadership of
the M23 ran all the way up to the Rwandan minister of defense, James
Kabarebe. While the U.N. has yet to name names of individuals that
might be facing sanctions, it is not inconceivable that senior leaders
from both the Rwandan and Ugandan military could be on that list for
support to M23 and violations of the arms embargo on Congo.

Complicating the issue even further, Rwanda was recently voted on to
the U.N. Security Council to represent the African block of nations,
filling the current seat held by South Africa in January 2013. The
Group of Experts reports directly to the Security Council, and the
council determines the targets and scope of U.N. sanctions. Therefore,
any gains made on pressuring Rwanda and Uganda to cease support to M23
that are not completed by the end of the year could be de-railed once
Rwanda takes its seat on the council.

Finally, on Monday the governor of Congo’s North Kivu province
announced that the government of Congo has decided to close its border
between the provincial capital of Goma and the Rwandan town of Gisenyi
between 6 p.m. and 6 a.m. daily. Usually a bustling border post and
the primary route to Kigali from North Kivu, the reasons for the
border closure are unclear. But as tensions mount on both sides of the
border, such moves will inevitably create additional stresses and
suspicions on both sides.

In sum these developments represent a situation hewing towards
conflict as opposed to a viable peace process. The M23 continues to
grow in terms of both military and political power. By changing its
name to the Congolese Revolutionary Army it is attempting to appear as
an organically Congolese movement and slowly eliminate the now
negative phrase “M23” from being used in conjunction with Rwandan and
Ugandan leaders. Yet the group’s threat of expansion and control of
Congolese territory looms large over the stability of the region. As
Rwanda and Uganda continue to vehemently deny any involvement with the
movement, the threat of increased sanctions will likely incur a
negative response from both states and all but guarantee that the
recent dialogues between regional states through the ICGLR will
collapse.

The U.N. and African Union, along with international partners such as
the U.S., must now work to use carrots and sticks to create a viable
peace process for the region that focuses first on the short-term goal
of cessation of hostilities between warring parties in eastern Congo
and in the region, and second on the creation of a long-term process
that addresses the systemic grievances, needs, and interests of Congo,
Rwanda, and Uganda, particularly in the tripartite border region of
eastern Congo.

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