M23 Rebels Threaten to Pull Out of Congo Talks Even as Negotiations Move Forward




Posted by Enough Team on Jan 23, 2013








Despite failing to see eye-to-eye on a range of issues up for
discussion in the Kampala peace talks, the Congolese government and
the M23 rebels moved ahead over the weekend with a review of the March
23, 2009 agreement that is officially at the crux of the movement’s
rebellion. The Saturday session, which lasted well into the night,
left both sides satisfied, according to Thomas Muiti, North Kivu civil
society president.

Questions remain about the legality of any deal struck outside the
Congolese parliament, particularly with a group deemed a “negative
force” which is claiming implementation of an agreement to which it
was not a signatory. (The M23 as such never signed an agreement with
the GoDRC; its mother movement, the CNDP, did.) However, influential
delegate Edward Mwangachuchu, who is the chairman of the CNDP but,
curiously, is taking part in the talks on the side of the Congolese
government, told the Enough Project he urged both sides to continue to
negotiate in good faith.

Last Wednesday, the M23 rebels and the Congolese government reached
agreement on the agenda for negotiations to end the humanitarian and
security crisis in the east after two weeks of preliminary talks. But
even as political representatives of the rebel movement signed off on
ground rules in Kampala, high-ranking military officers expressed
concern about the trajectory of the talks and said the M23 delegation
could pull out at any time.

Congolese civil society contacts in Kampala told the Enough Project
that M23 views the Ugandan mediator as “being too close to the DRC
delegation” given that Uganda President and ICGLR chairperson Yoweri
Museveni and has reportedly warned that all of Congo’s problems cannot
be dealt with in the Kampala talks alone and has therefore limited the
M23 grievances on the table to nine issues, from their original 21.
The mediator had notified the rebels’ delegation of that decision,
which therefore stoked fears that in the event of a reintegration
process, “it will be left to the Kinshasa government to decide which
M23 members will be allowed back in the government institutions." That
prospect is worrying in particular to the military commanders already
targeted with international sanctions—men like Bosco Ntaganda and his
acolytes Sultani Makenga, Baudouin Ngaruye, Innocent Zimurinda, and
Innocent Kayina who have considerable sway over the political wing of
the movement.

The rebels laid out plainly their position that general amnesty should
be given for “acts of war and acts of insurrection.” They further
called for the dissolution of all existing DRC institutions and the
formation of a transitional government they called National
Transitional Congolese Council, or CNTC, tasked with reviewing the
Congolese constitution.

The DRC government delegation turned down the M23’s demand point
blank. Abbey Appolinaire Malumalu, the delegation coordinator and
spokesperson, said, “Kampala dialogue cannot deal with all questions
under the authority of the [Congolese] constitution. M23’s litany of
claims is a big joke that has nothing to do with the ongoing talks.”
However, the agenda does include a discussion of amnesty.

On the ground in eastern Congo, both sides have been fortifying their
military presence and making blustering speeches. Several reports by
North Kivu civil society groups, local leaders, and eye witnesses have
warned of new troop and weapon reinforcements on the rebels’ defensive
lines near Goma in Munigi, Kibumba, and in the strategic town of
Bunagana on the border with Uganda since mid-December 2012. “The M23
army is three times-fold now after its capture of Goma because all
self-demobilized FARDC [soldiers] have joined the M23,” said Stanislas
Baleke, one of the rebels’ spokesmen, to Radio France International
last Wednesday. “On the other hand, M23 has more than 1,000 tons of
ammunition and tanks that it’s ready to use against [DRC].”

The Congolese army, which is rumored to have received reinforcements
from Zimbabwe, Angola, and Tanzania, has sent to Goma a sensitization
mission to galvanize the government troops’ morale. They are preparing
to be “ready to regain the last centimeter still under the control of
the enemy,” said a senior officer who addressed an FARDC battalion at
the military region HQ in Goma last week.

While international efforts to restore peace in the Great Lakes
region—such as plans for deployment of the African neutral force and
the use of surveillance drones to monitor security conditions—might
have been expected to reassure Goma residents of concern for their
plight, families are once again fleeing to other parts of Congo and to
neighboring Burundi, Uganda, and Rwanda for safety. The increasingly
tense rhetoric from both sides and the militarized environment leaves
little doubt that the crisis isn’t over, for all the talk of
negotiations and ceasefires.

Comments by the Rwandan foreign minister on BBC/Kinyarwanda last week
further exacerbated concerns. Minister Louise Mushikiwabo threatened
that Rwanda would enter eastern Congo conflict if drones were deployed
without her country's consent as they would be seen as violating
Rwanda’s territorial integrity. However, international pressure to
address security may be factoring into a slight change of tone. In
contrast to his cabinet members' statements, President Paul Kagame
said to news reporters on Monday in Kigali that if the U.N. thinks
drones will help achieve peace in eastern Congo then he has "no
problem…if they think it can help."

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