---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: John Ashworth <[email protected]>
Date: Sun, 3 Feb 2013 12:38:47 -0500
Subject: [sudan-john-ashworth] 'Stop the planes': Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile
To: Group <[email protected]>

1. 'STOP THE PLANES'

By Alex Neve, Secretary General, Amnesty International Canada
Posted on 30 January 2013

“Just stop the planes.” That was the plea made by the feisty,
determined Khadija when I interviewed her in front of the remains of
her home in a small village in Sudan’s Southern Kordofan state last
week.

If only it could be that simple. It certainly ought to be.

A month earlier a lumbering Sudanese Antonov aircraft had passed
overhead and unleashed a deadly cargo of five bombs in rapid
succession.

Khadija was at the nearby market at the time and therefore escaped
injury. But when she hurried back to her home, pure horror awaited
her. One elderly woman, unable to run, had been literally blown apart
and Khadija later undertook the grim task of collecting her
neighbour’s body parts.

A woman in her twenties, mother to five children and pregnant with her
sixth, was cut in half by the vicious and totally unpredictable
shrapnel that is the greatest peril of these cruel Antonov bombs.

Khadija also found that her tukul had been burned by the bomb and that
all of her clothing and worldly possessions had been destroyed.
Another woman, just passing by at the time, lay with a shrapnel injury
in her foot.

Khadija’s story is one among very many that I heard. This campaign of
death, fear and destruction against the civilian population of
Southern Kordofan has been ongoing for close to 20 months now.

Indiscriminate bombs are wantonly rolled out of the back of the
Antonovs, flying high above, with no ability to guide them to proper
military targets. And, inevitably, many of the bombs fall where
civilians live, sleep, grow food, go to market, fetch water, pray or
attend school.

I travelled through numerous villages in the parts of Southern
Kordofan now under the control of the armed opposition, the Sudan
People’s Liberation Army – North (SPLA-N) and everywhere the accounts
and visible evidence of the aerial bombardments were the same.

Sometimes, fortunately, no one had been hurt. Other times nearly
entire families had been killed. There was no community I visited that
has been spared. And in none of the sites I inspected was there
indication of a valid military target anywhere remotely close by.

A father told me of his 10 and 5-year-old sons who ran to hide under
the branches of a fruit tree when they heard the unmistakeable drone
of an approaching Antonov in mid-November. This time the bomb fell
almost directly beside the tree, killing them both. I saw the damage
done, massive branches sheared off the tree and the bomb crater only 2
or 3 metres away.

Another man took me to his home at the top of a hill. On 26 December
2012 he was a short distance away from his own house visiting his
brother when the Antonov arrived. His home was in sight, but he could
not reach it in time. On its first fly-pass the plane dropped three
bombs and then returned to drop another three. The first of that
second batch of bombs fell in his compound as he watched helplessly
from an adjoining hill top. When the plane had left and he was able to
rush to his home he found his mother, wife and 5-month-old daughter
all dead.

They had made it to the hoped-for safety of their foxhole, but the
bomb itself landed less than a metre from where they were hiding. They
did not stand a chance.

Neither did the five people – a woman, her daughter, two nieces and a
neighbouring boy – who hoped that a foxhole would keep them safe when
an Antonov dropped two bombs on 18 December. It was chilling to stand
where they would have been hiding and see how close the bomb had
fallen: only four or five paces away.

This relentless campaign of death raining down from the skies has
killed or injured untold numbers of people over the past 20 months.

Its impact, however, is more insidious than the harrowing toll of
deaths and injuries alone. Because by now the mere mention of an
Antonov, let alone the sound of its approach, is a source of panic and
terror.

People run for the nearest foxhole (nearly everyone has dug one in
their compound) or they run for the safety of rocks and caves in the
region’s Nuba Mountains. And they hide and they wait.

And everything about their lives is turned upside down. While fleeing
and hiding they cannot tend crops. They cannot look out for livestock.
And day by day, therefore, food supplies have dwindled to nothing.

Add to that the Sudanese government’s cruel refusal to allow
independent humanitarian access to this area so that food and other
relief can be distributed and the gravity of this crisis has become
beyond measure.

There is absolutely no doubt that this indefensible bombing campaign
violates international humanitarian law – the repeated indiscriminate
air attacks, as well as possibly direct attacks on civilians, by the
Sudanese armed forces, constitute war crimes. So why does it attract
so little international attention? Security Council resolutions urge
and encourage but do not condemn and deplore what is happening. The
Sudanese government plays games with UN, African Union and other
officials, promising that aid access will open up, but consistently
failing to follow through.

I was asked “why” at every turn. “Why don’t we matter? Why doesn’t
anyone care about us?”

Or, as Khadija put it, why doesn’t someone just stop the planes. That
is precisely what has to happen.

http://livewire.amnesty.org/2013/01/30/stop-the-planes/

END1

2. Hepatitis outbreak kills 88 in South Sudan: aid agency

By Hereward Holland

JUBA | Sat Feb 2, 2013 10:15am EST

(Reuters) - An outbreak of hepatitis E has killed 88 people in South
Sudan after a surge in the virus hit refugee camps near the Sudanese
border, an aid agency said on Saturday.

More than 175,000 people have sought refuge in the new country of
South Sudan after fleeing fighting in Sudan's restive border states of
South Kordofan and Blue Nile, according to theUnited Nations.

Medical charity Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) said it had treated
almost 4,000 patients since the outbreak was identified in camps in
the northeast of South Sudan in July 2012.

"We suspect this outbreak is far from over, and many more people will
die," said MSF said in a statement.

"We have been doing everything we can to care for people with
hepatitis E, but there is no treatment for the disease."

Fighting between Sudan's army and rebels flared up in South Kordofan
and Blue Nile around South Sudan's secession from Sudan in July 2011,
six years after a peace accord that ended decades of civil war between
north and south.

Tensions remain high between the rival Sudans and they have failed to
implement a raft of agreements on border security and economic issues
left over from their messy divorce.

More than 112,000 Sudanese refugees live in camps affected by the
hepatitis outbreak which are flooded in the rainy season and a parched
wasteland in the dry season, MSF said.

Hepatitis E causes liver infections and is spread by drinking water
contaminated with faeces.

(Reporting by Hereward Holland; Editing by Ulf Laessing and Andrew Roche)

http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/02/02/us-southsudan-hepatitis-idUSBRE91108520130202

END2

3. Nearly 300 Sudanese refugees cross into S. Sudan daily: UNHCR

January 31, 2012 (JUBA) – At least 300 refugees from Sudan’s South
Kordofan are crossing the border into Yida, South Sudan’s largest
refugee camp, the United Nations refugee agency (UNHCR) said.

The influx of refugees, it says, calls for creation of new sites away
from the “volatile” border area where Yida, currently hosting an
estimated 61,000 Sudanese refugees, is located. The move, it added,
seeks to ensure the safety of the refugees and maintain the civilian
character of the settlement.

However, while a new site was chosen in South Sudan’s Unity State for
one such settlement, UNHCR says it plans to open other camps in the
state in order to settle these people.

About 20,000 people, the International Organisation for Migration
(IOM) says, were in January displaced, following renewed fighting
between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement – North (SPLM-N), which intensified in October
last year.

Meanwhile, over 67,000 displaced people, according to IOM and the
government-initiated Voluntary Return and Resettlement Commission
(VRRC), were registered in 13 localities of South Kodofan between
January and November 2012.

“IOM, in collaboration with the VRRC and with support from HAC
[Humanitarian Aid Commission] in South Kordofan, is currently
collating and verifying the number of returnees to South Kordofan
following the October clashes,” the UN Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) says in its 21-27 January bulletin.

In addition, VRRC say it estimates that over 160,000 people from South
Kordofan remain displaced in neighbouring states within Sudan.

Absence of a proper framework to provide overall guidance to planning
and implementation of return assistance, IOM maintains, is a major
setback to emergency assistance provision in South Kordofan.

In a related development, amnesty international has expressed concerns
over the plight of people facing the brunt of conflict in Sudan’s
conflict region.

Alex Neve, the Secretary General, Amnesty International Canada, who
visited South Kordofan, last week, said the bombings of innocent
civilians in the region by Sudanese government forces violates
international humanitarian law.

“There is absolutely no doubt that this indefensible bombing campaign
violates international humanitarian law – the repeated indiscriminate
air attacks, as well as possibly direct attacks on civilians, by the
Sudanese armed forces, constitute war crimes. So why does it attract
so little international attention?” he asked.

Neve, in an article published on Amnesty’s global human rights blog,
also wondered why the UN Security Council resolutions only “urge and
encourage but do not condemn and deplore” the negative things
happening in South Kordofan.

"The Sudanese government plays games with UN, African Union and other
officials, promising that aid access will open up, but consistently
failing to follow through.”

He describes the Sudanese government’s “cruel” refusal to allow
independent humanitarian access to this area as part of the tripartite
arrangement, as an action “beyond measure”.

(ST) http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article45365

END3

4. UNHCR to improve situation of Sudanese refugees in Ethiopia

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

February 1, 2013 (ADDIS ABABA) – The United Nations refugee agency
(UNHCR) said on Friday that they will be working to stabilise the
emergency phase of its response to the Sudanese and Somali refugee
influxes in Ethiopia this year.

Sudanese refugees from Blue Nile state line up to collect water in a
camp (UNHCR/V.Tan)

“UNHCR will improve conditions in the camps and will make the
transition from emergency responses to more sustainable activities,
thereby also reducing costs and encouraging self-reliance” UNHCR
representative in Ethiopia, Kisut Gebregzabhir, toldSudan Tribune.

The program, he said, includes the phasing out of water trucking in
favor of more permanent piping systems, and construction of
transitional shelters to replace tents.

The UN refugee agency also says it committed to ensuring the timely
provision of core relief items to refugees, and is currently building
buffer stocks to cope with any new refugee influx.

With regard to refugee issues, UNHCR says emergency preparedness and
response mechanisms are its hallmark leadership and coordination role
support for host communities around refugee camps is another important
element to the agency’s strategy.

Another crucial component of the UN refugee agency is to improve
relations between refugee and local communities there to bolster the
protection environment, making refugee-hosting areas safer for all,
while encouraging both communities to share common services such as
education and health facilities.

REFUGEE INFLUX

Since heavy fighting erupted between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF)
and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) in South
Kordofan and Blue Nile States in July 2011, tens of thousands of
Sudanese refugees have been forced to flee into neighboring Ethiopia
and South Sudan.

Most of these fleeing usually arrive at remote areas of Ethiopia’s
Benishangul-Gumuz state and in South Sudan’s Unity and Upper Nile
states.

Ethiopia witnessed high influx of refugees in April and May last year,
with an average rate of 200 to 300 people a day.

However Kisut told Sudan Tribune that the current level of new
arrivals from Sudan can be considered as modest, rather than an
influx.

“This however does not in any way suggest the end of the displacement
situation,” he said adding, “UNHCR and its partners remain seized with
making the necessary preparations to be able to effectively respond to
any further displacements that may occur”.

At the end of December 2012, Ethiopia hosted over 86,000 refugees from
Sudan in the three camps (Sherkole, Tongo & Bambasi) in the
Benishangul-Gumuz State as well as in one camp (Pugnido) in the
Gambella State.

The figure includes an estimated 20,000 displaced people from South
Sudan’s Jonglei State, who are staying with the host communities along
the border in Wantawo woreda, Gambella State.

REPATRIATION OPERATION

Currently there is no active repatriation operation to the thousands
of Sudanese refugees.

There has been a huge repatriation operation to Sudan between 2006 and
2009, helping over 36,000 refugees who volunteer to return.

The series of repatriation operations resulted in closing of three
refugee camps, which used to shelter them.

There has never been an organized repatriation operation afterwards.

REFUGEE FIGURES

Ethiopia has increasingly been very welcoming to refugees crossing to
its territory from neighboring African countries.

Every month, Ethiopia generously receives thousands of new refugees’
who flee conflicts at their home country. The country, for instance,
currently hosts more than 91,000 Sudanese refugees.

In addition to the Sudanese refugees, the horn of Africa’s nation also
shelters more than 214,000 Somali refugees, 61,000 Eritreans and over
4,000 refugees from other African countries.

Last year, Ethiopia received more than 25,000 Somalis – making it the
largest recipient of Somali refugees in the region after Kenya.

(ST) http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article45372

END4

5. Blue Nile Emerging: Horrors Without End and a Familiar
International Acquiescence: A brief compendium

 Eric Reeves, February 2, 2013

Three recent assessments missions to Blue Nile have powerfully
expanded our view of the vast crisis in this desperate region, as well
as of the better reported humanitarian crisis engineered by Khartoum
in the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan.  Reports from Human Rights
Watch, Aegis Trust and Humanitarian Aid Relief Trust (HART)(UK), and
the intrepid Tomo Kriznar all provide exceedingly grim accounts
deriving from recent assessment missions on the ground.  Information
about and links to these critically important accounts appear below.

 Previously, our view of Blue Nile, where conflict has raged since
September 1, 2011, has been shaped largely by the ghastly reports of
refugees who have poured into Upper Nile (South Sudan) from Blue Nile.
 An important exception from 2011 is the "Field Report on Blue Nile"
from the Enough Project, November 29, 2011, which provided early
insight into the character of the violence. These refugee accounts in
themselves make for extremely grim reading, and reveal the clear
determination of the National Islamic Front/National Congress Party
regime to destroy African civilian life as part of its
counter-insurgency strategy against the indigenous rebellion led by
the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army-North (SPLM/A-N).  The
tools of this vicious campaign are village destruction, burning of
foodstocks, brutal rapes and murders, and unrelenting aerial assault,
making agricultural production among those who have been
ethnically-targeted virtually impossible.

John Ging, head of humanitarian operations for the UN, declared last
month about Blue Nile and South Kordofan, "nearly one million people
are in dire need, but out of reach of aid workers, forcing some to
rely on roots and leaves for food" (January 8, 2013). These people are
"out of reach" because Khartoum has imposed a total humanitarian
relief blockade on the two regions, and has adamantly refused to
accept the access proposal made exactly one year ago by the UN, the
African Union, and the Arab League (indeed, the Khartoum regime claims
that, "Blue Nile is getting back to normal").  Global Acute
Malnutrition (GAM) rates are consistently reported above the
"emergency threshold," sometimes well above that threshold.
Significant rates of Severe Acute Malnutrition (SAM)—which can prove
rapidly fatal in children under five—have been reported from the camps
in South Sudan and spot assessments in the Nuba Mountains.

It is hardly surprising that the comparison to Darfur has been made
often, here for Aegis and HART by Mukesh Kapila, former chief
humanitarian coordinator for Sudan; Kapila was forced to resign from
his post in 2004 because of blunt comments about the realities of
genocidal destruction in Darfur (BBC, March 2004).  He was just as
blunt in speaking about the mission organized by Aegis Trust and HART:

"'I witnessed the 21st century's first genocide in Darfur during my
time as UN Chief in Sudan in 2003-2004. Returning to Sudan a decade
later, I saw the same tactics of systematic ethnic cleansing in full
play in the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile,' says Dr Kapila, whose visit
to the two areas was organised by the Aegis Trust in conjunction with
the Humanitarian Aid Relief Trust (HART)."

• A selection of what we have heard previously about Blue Nile:

[i]  "Fresh fighting in Sudan [Blue Nile/Southern Kordofan] after US
famine warning," Agence France Presse, January 19, 2012

[ii]  "Blue Nile terror as Sudan air strikes cause havoc," October 10, 2011

[iii]  "Aid Agencies Fear for Survival of Sudan’s Blue Nile Refugees,"
Voice of America, June 20, 2012

[iv]  "Sudan: Blue Nile Civilians Describe Attacks, Abuses," Human
Rights Watch, April 22, 2012 [Civilians are bearing the brunt of
abuses in Sudan’s simmering border conflict in Blue Nile state, Human
Rights Watch said today, based on a research trip in April 2012"],
http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/04/23/sudan-blue-nile-civilians-describe-attac...

[v]  "Sudan refugees reduced to eating leaves, bark," Agence
France-Presse, June 20, 2012

[vi] "Sudan forces accused of killings, rape [in Blue Nile]," Agence
France-Presse, November 1, 2011

(vii)  "As refugee numbers [from Blue Nile] swell, disease puts
pressure on relief efforts," (UN Integrated Regional Information
Networks (IRIN), September 21, 2012)

[vii]  "900,000 needy blocked from aid in Sudan's [Blue Nile and Nuba
Mountains]," Associated Press, January 8, 2013

LINKS TO THE MORE EXTENSIVE ACCOUNTS RECENTLY CONDUCTED IN BLUE NILE ITSELF BY:

• Aegis Trust/HART

• Human Rights Watch

• Tomo Kriznar:

[1]  "Returning to Blue Nile and to the Nuba Mountains," Aegis
Trust/HART, January 18, 2013,
http://www.aegistrust.org/index.php/Campaigns-Policy-and-Research/former-un-sudan-chief-visits-the-countrys-warzones-warns-of-potential-for-another-darfur-scale-catastrophe.html

[2]  Human Rights Watch:

(a)  "Sudan: Bombardment of Civilians in Blue Nile and South
Kordofan," December 10, 2012,
http://www.hrw.org/features/sudan-bombardment-civilians-blue-nile-and-south...

(b)  "Under Siege: Indiscriminate Bombing and Abuses in Sudan’s
Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile State," December 12, 2012
http://www.hrw.org/reports/2012/12/12/under-siege...

[3]  Tomo Kriznar has also released video reporting from the ground in
Blue Nile at

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DjoPFXsH2Qs.  This powerful documentary
gives voice to the people of Blue Nile, with extremely revealing and
technically impressive video and audio recordings.

****

It is impossible to escape the conclusion reading these reports and
others—and viewing the extensive videography and photography from the
Nuba Mountains as well as this of Blue Nile—that Khartoum's
counterinsurgency campaign is based on deliberate, widespread,
ethnically-targeted human destruction and displacement.  Thousands
have already died from violence and its deadly aftermath, although we
have no way of knowing how many; hundreds of thousands are at acute
risk of disease and malnutrition—or have already fled to South Sudan.
UNHCR has registered 207,000 refugees as of January 29, 2013; tens of
thousands have fled to Ethiopia; the total number is certainly higher
and growing by the day—thousands every week in Unity and Upper Nile
States.  Altogether, the UN estimates that almost 1 million people
have been displaced or are in desperate need.

In what sense, then, is it inappropriate to invoke the United Nations
Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
(1948)?

“In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts
committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national,
ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

[a]  Killing members of the group;

[b]  Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;

[c]  Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life
calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in
part;

[d]  Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;

[e]  Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.”


The question, in fact, is not which of these acts has been committed;
as in Darfur, the question is which have not.

The larger question is why this has mattered so little to the
international community.

END5
______________________
John Ashworth

Sudan, South Sudan Advisor

[email protected]

+254 725 926 297 (Kenya mobile)
+211 919 695 362 (South Sudan mobile)
+27 82 050 1235 (South Africa mobile)
+44 750 304 1790 (UK/international)
+88 216 4334 0735 (Thuraya satphone)

PO Box 52002 - 00200, Nairobi, Kenya

This is a personal e-mail address and the contents do not necessarily
reflect the views of any organisation

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