Darfur peace stays a mirage

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By Mahmoud A. Suleiman

February 27, 20132 - This article comes against the backdrop of the
tenth anniversary by 26 February 2003 when the two Darfuri rebel
groups the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and Sudan Liberation
Army/Movement (SLA/M) had to take up arms against the central
government in Khartoum. They resorted to armed rebellion in response
to the announcement of President Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir that he
would not negotiate with those who do not carry weapons. Thus, the
Sudanese government decided to resort to the military option to
counter the Darfur fighters. Prior to that turn of events, the rebel
group accused the Islamist putschists government of the so-called
National Salvation Revolution (NSR) of political and economic
marginalisation of the people of the Darfur region by depriving them
their rights of sharing power and wealth of the country.

Since then people of Sudan in Darfur have witnessed uncountable
tribulations and atrocities at the hands of the National Islamic Front
(NIF) government and allied militias imported from the neighbouring
countries. Darfur and its civilian population subjected to all kinds
chilling atrocities included crimes against humanity, war crimes;
ethnic cleansing and genocide similar to the calamity the Tutsi people
of Rwanda endured at the hands of their fellow Hutu Génocidaire ten
years earlier, in 1994. A question arises and naively wondering about
this phenomenon of ‘Ten Years” which hit both the Tutsi of Rwanda and
the people of Darfur is it a coincidence or bad omen?

Quoting the Enough, the project to end genocide and crimes against
humanity 
http://www.enoughproject.org/publications/irresolution-un-security-council-darfur,
Article 24 of the Charter of the United Nations (UN) confers upon the
Security Council (UNSC) “primary responsibility for the maintenance of
international peace and security,” a unique mandate in international
law. Its 15 members have the power to impose sanctions, establish
peacekeeping missions, and authorize military action in the name of
international peace and security”. This was not the case in Darfur for
mysterious undisclosed reasons.

The regimes that commit atrocious crimes such as genocide will only
opt for accepting peace when confronted with force. History tells us
that the Cambodian genocide/Holocaust of the Khmer Rouge rule
(1975-1979) where 2 million people died of political executions,
starvation and forced labour by the Pol Pot entity only ceased when
Vietnam, the former ally, intervened. Similarly, the Kosovo War
atrocities (28th February 1998-21st June 1999) perpetrator being the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia only ended when NATO forces intervened
acting on the UNSC Resolution1244. By contrast, the inaction of the
international community represented by the UNSC has encouraged the
Rwandan Hutu government and the National Islamic Front/ National
Congress Party (NIF/NCP) regime in Sudan to exercise their favourite
hobby of civilian killing spree. Moreover, The Holocaust which was
programme of systematic state-sponsored murder by Nazi Germany, where
of the nine million Jews who had resided in Europe before the
Holocaust, approximately two-thirds (6 million) were killed by the
Nazis only halted when the Western Allies intervened forcibly during
the Second World War. Therefore, it is absurd and lacking of
responsibility that the international community calling on the Sudan
Revolutionary Front (SRF) and the Sudanese people who signed the New
Dawn Charter (NDC) not to use military force to topple and change the
NCP regime led by International Criminal Court (ICC) indicted fugitive
Omer Hassan Ahmed al-Bashir and his clique. The Sudanese people yearn
for ousting the NCP regime and replace it with a democratic
government, good governance, rule of law, which allows freedoms and
provides justice and equality among the Sudanese people without
discrimination. The SRF and the other Sudanese opposition aim to do
justice, after toppling the NCP regime, by handing over those
perpetrators of harrowing crimes committed against the people of Sudan
in Darfur, Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile and elsewhere in Sudan to the ICC
at The Hague to stand trial.

It is crystal clear and without a shred of doubt that the
International Community is applying the principle of double standards.
This is more so in the issue of Darfur in respect to use of military
force and creation of a ‘No-fly Zone’, which was used in Libya to
topple Colonel Muammar Gaddafi while it was denied for Darfur and/or
in South Kordofan and Blue Nile where aerial bombardment continues to
shell the civilian population. The UNSC Resolutions on Darfur, despite
their huge number on the issue of Darfur did not succeed in deterring
the Khartoum government army of killing unarmed civilians.

The chronology of the marathon peace agreements between the NCP regime
and JEM are phenomenal over the years. The NCP government delegation
met JEM representatives for the first time since 2007 in Doha, Qatar
to begin discussions for peace talk and signed goodwill and confidence
building agreement in 2009 followed by a framework agreement.
Al-Bashir’s regime, as predicted, violated that.

Darfur rebels negotiated with the NCP government in Sudan over the
10-year period of the crisis starting by N’Djamena and Abéché in Chad,
Abuja in Nigeria agreement of 2006 and Doha in Qatar. The Abuja peace
agreement was signed by only one rebel group under the threat of the
large stick of the representatives of the international community led
by the US envoy in Abuja. Nevertheless, that peace agreement signed in
May 2006 abjectly failed due to the usual behaviour of the NCP regime
of lack of commitment to implement what it signed in terms of
agreements, treaties and covenants with the parties to the conflict.
Prevarication and manoeuvring to gain time and a desperate attempt to
fool opponents practiced by the NCP government was the main factor for
prolonging the suffering of the citizens of Sudan in Darfur. However,
other main factors included the UNSC failure to enforce and implement
its plentiful Resolutions, some of which are under Chapter VII of the
United Nation Charter, which authorise the Council to intervene
militarily especially in the light of the continued genocide in Darfur
with impunity . Furthermore, it is disgraceful that the UNSC to stand
paying lip service in the face disregard, even contempt, of the regime
led by Omer al-Bashir who refuses humanitarian aid to the internally
displaced person (IDPs) in Darfur, Nuba Mountains and the Blue Nile
state who endure Antonov airship bombardments on daily basis; And
failing to honour signed agreements.

While the people of Darfur highly value the support, they have been
receiving from the public of the Western World. This is more so from
the US, UK, Norway and France; yet they find it hard to condone the
attitude of the envoys of the very countries in taking the side of the
Génocidaire regime of the NCP in Khartoum by giving it more time to
continue ruling Sudan with iron fist. Apparently, the special envoys
might be hoping that the NCP regime to reform, which is among the
‘Three’, impossibilities of the ‘Old World’: the Ghoul, the Phoenix
and the all-time sincere Friend! Sudan saw long series of US Special
envoys, in soap opera fashion, beginning with John Danforth
(September2001 –June2004 for CPA), Andrew Natsios (October 2006 –
December 2007 for Abuja), Richard Williamson (January 2008 – January
2009), General Scott Gration (March 2009 – March 2011) and Princeton
Lyman (31 March 2011 to date but stepping down)! Nevertheless, praise
goes to the former US Deputy Secretary of Defence Robert Zoellick for
once pressing on the Sudanese government to take specific steps that
would demonstrate it is cooperating to halt the violence in Darfur,
including allowing NATO or the U.S. military to assist in a rapid
expansion of an African-led monitoring force. He was also reported to
have looked to Sudan’s south for blueprint to end Darfur’s conflict.

Most of that mentioned in the preceding paragraphs is a rumination of
a painful history of the Darfur crisis. As the Popular proverb goes:
“Nothing scrapes your itchy skin better than your finger nails”!
Therefore, it is high time for the Sudanese people to end their
suffering by their own effort and refrain from their total dependence
on the international community whose interests of keeping the NCP
regime in power at all cost conflict/ intersect with the aspirations
and wishes of the people of Sudan. The people of Sudan have no option
other than pairing the peaceful civilian protests with the military
force of the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF) to oust the NCP regime.
The current regime be replaced by the alternative contained in the New
Dawn Charter document, which has been approved by, signed as a place
of consensus of all the Sudanese political spectrum, civil society
organisations of youth, women, students, journalists and professional
associations.

Dr. Mahmoud A. Suleiman is the Deputy Chairman of the General Congress
for Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). He can be reached at
[email protected].

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