More cases of Land grabs in South Sudan .




“Land deal in South Sudan is widespread and threatens development”.
Photo credit: thinkafricapress.com]
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By Jay Johnson, South Sudan

March 26, 2013 (SSNA) -- In my previous article; title: Stop
squatters, land grabbing, Occupation and Colonization nonsense (South
Sudan News Agency, March 22, 2013), I provided the facts and terms of
agreement surrounding the Mukaya payams case in the state of Central
Equatoria. The intention was to challenge the myth of land grab and
occupation by Dinka and Western Nilotic former IDPS, politicians and
army generals.

I argued as you might recall that the former IDPS in Equatoria region
are neither land grabbers nor occupiers, but citizens of the Republic
of South Sudan, exercising their constitution right to move and live
within the define border of South Sudan. I did also point out
unequivocally that there is land grab in Equatoria region and South
Sudan in general. The perpetuators of land grabs are elites from our
respective communities both in the government and villages.

In this article, I intend to discuss two additional cases of land grab
in Jonglei and Western Upper Nile state to show that land grab is not
an Equatorian issue. It is a national problem that should not be look
from regional and tribal perspective. It cannot be blame squarely on
Dinka and Nuer elites as the evidence show in Oakland Institute
report. In fact, the Mukaya Payam land investment deal should dispel
the myth of Equatoria land grab by Dinka and Western Nilotic people.
The land lease agreement was signed by Mukaya Payam Cooperative, an
Equatorian organization run by Equatorian elites. The reaction by
Pojulu community of Mukaya Payam indicates the fictitious nature of
these deals.

Mukaya Payam

The Mukaya Payam Cooperative and Nile Trading and Development did the
land investment agreement at the back of Pojulu community as I have
alluded to in my previous article. The deal went beyond the boundary
of not only of Mukaya Payam but Lainya County. The total land area for
Lainya County is 345,000 hectares as opposed to 600,000 hectares, with
option of additional 400,000 hectares of land that was agreed to in
the lease deal. In fact the deal extends into Yei River and Juba
counties administrative boundaries.

For those who have never been to Central Equatoria, Lainya County and
Mukaya Payam in particular, is located between Juba and Yei River
County. The USAID paved road which link Juba and border town of Nimule
pass through Lainya County. Juba and Yei River county land might have
been illegally appropriate without their knowledge if the deal is
still binding as we speak.

As you will find in the attached Oakland Institute report, the Mukaya
community seems to have learnt about the deal following the
interviewing of some community members by Oakland Institute staff.
Ironically, the government of Central Equatoria, especially governor
Wani Konga and the state ministry of land and physical infrastructure
were made aware of the deal. A letter was sent to the governor and
state ministry of physical infrastructure prior to the completion of
the deal by Mukaya Payam Cooperative and Nile Trading and Development.

Subsequently, a signed letter of protest was sent to governor, Wani
Konga and president Kiir by the Mukaya Payam community. I do not know
as of now what subsequent actions and measures were taken by both
governments. More details can be found in Oakland Institute report.

Land grabbing, which is the acquisition of large piece of land by
domestic and foreign companies for commercial purposes is not confine
to Equatoria as the Equatorian elite want us to belief. Citadel
Capital and Al Ain wildlife acquisition of lands in Western Upper Nile
and Jonglei state should perhaps put this myth to rest. Like Mukaya
Payam deal, these two deals were done at the back of the affected
communities. For instance, the Murle community in Jonglei Boma
national Park area and citizens of Pariang and Guit County were
deliberately and systematically marginalize and excluded in the
negotiation.

Western upper Nile State

The state of western Upper Nile entered into a 25 years land
investment lease agreement with Citadel Capital group, an Egyptian
based company in 2009. The deal covered 105,000 hectares of land in
Guit and Pariang County. An annual lease fee of $125,000.00 payable to
the state government was agreed upon.

The land in question was to be used for maize and sorghum production.
Citadel Capital agreed to sell its produce locally so as to meet local
food insecurity in the region. The company was exempt from taxation
for 10 years and was given unlimited capital repatriation. Citadel
capital also secured the right to irrigate its crop using the water
from Bahr el Ghazel River, which lies 5 miles south of the farm.

The deals affected 5 villages with population of 1,250 people and were
to relocate once the company commences its operation. There was no
environmental and social impact assessment conduct to gauge the
feasibility and suitability of the project to the environment and
society.

The community request for employment was ignored. The company instead
look south to South Africa for migrants farm workers. Although the
land is own by the affected community, they were deliberately excluded
in the process. Citadel negotiates the deal with state governor, Taban
Deng Gai. As reported by the Oakland institute, Citadel Capital did
promise community benefit projects. These projects are neither
operational nor initiated.

Jonglei State

The United Arab Emirate based tourism and conservation investment
company, Al Ain Wildlife entered a 30 years lease agreement with
government of South Sudan ministry of the wild life in 2008. This deal
happen Following President Kiir trip from UAE. The president office is
reported to have instructed the ministry of wild life to sign the
agreement with the company. The agreement covered 1.68 million
hectares of land in Boma national park, which Al Ain agreed to develop
and manage for tourism and conservation.

Revenues from the industry were agreed to be shared in the ratio of
70% for Al Ain wildlife and 30% for the government of South Sudan.
About 15,000 people from Anuak, Murle, Jie and Kachipo were affected
by the project and were told to relocate 4 hours’ drive away from the
area. By the time the Oakland Institute was gathering data for the
report, the company had completed the construction of guess
accommodation near Maruwa village.

The locals were neither consulted nor were environmental and social
impact assessments conducted prior to the agreement. Promise for
employment, educational facilities, health centers, airstrips,
boreholes, housing, roads and model village have not yet been realize.
The company instead, to the disappointment of the locals hired a park
manager from Juba.

Unsurprisingly, government officials interviewed by Oakland Institute
have complained of mysterious planes that land and takeoff from the
area without the knowledge of the government. And God knows why Al Ain
Wildlife behaves that way. I have been told that the Boma Mountain
ranges area is rich in valuable minerals, which the Al Ain Wild Life
is probably exploring or extracting some minerals without government
knowledge and permission.

On the positive note, it is fair to argue that investment from
domestic and foreign companies should not always be view with
suspicion and contempt. If done in transparent and non-fictitious
manner, they can contribute to overall economic development of the
country. Foreign investment in particular can provide the needed
revenue to the government and local communities. Equally important is
the provision of employment to the local population as most of these
deals last for an average of 30 years.

What is troubling and disturbing is the deceptive and vague language
in which these lease agreements were written. From pure legal
perspective, this is problematic because contractual and binding legal
agreement must be specific to help the parties to the agreement in the
event of legal dispute. The government of South Sudan has limit if not
zero chances of renegotiating the contract or wining the legal case
should it decide to take for instance the Al Ain wildlife to
international court of arbitration. Predictably, the UAE Al Ain
wildlife have so far renege on its promise to the local Murle, Jie and
Kachipo communities with regard to social benefits projects.

It is inconceivable to see how the communities will benefits from
these deals made at their back by government and community elites.
Community benefit project were either verbally promise or vaguely
written so that the companies cannot have legal obligation to fulfill
them. In other word, they lack specificity which is critical in
contractual agreements such as this.

The deals also lack transparency and inclusiveness. This perhaps
indicate the extent to which corruption have invaded our society.
Apparently and unquestionably, the government is the chief culprit in
all these deals. The ministry of wildlife was instructed to sign the
Boma National Park in Jonglei by President Office. We can speculate as
to why the president and his office act the way they did. But clearly,
there was lack of transparency in the deal. Social and environmental
impact assessment could have been done prior to any agreement. The
Kachipo, Jie, Murle and Anuak communities in the project area should
have been consult and involve in the negotiation process.

The unethical practices of stealing and looting national resources,
especially oil revenues have gone south this time to our only durable
asset, THE LAND OF OUR FOREFATHERS AND MOTHERS! This is the land for
which thousands of South Sudanese paid the ultimate price during the
civil war.

Contrary to Equatorians elite belief of Dinka grabbing of Equatorian
land, the practice is widespread and complex as these cases have
reveal. It is being perpetuate by multinational corporations,
Equatorian politicians and elites as well as by government officials.
The Dinka and western Nilotic civilians in Equatoria region are
innocent and deserve unconditional apology if fairness mean anything
to the Equatorian elites.

The local communities, in which these deals take place have been
systematically and deliberately marginalize and excluded. It is the
villagers who will suffer and paid the price from negative social and
environmental consequences associate with such investments. Moreover,
the locals as is the case in Western Upper Nile and Jonglei state are
the one who will be displace from their ancestral land without prompt
and fair compensation.

Land is a precious commodity from which the hopes and future of our
pheasants and farmers is tied to. Imagine what the average villager
life would be without land in a country like South Sudan, where the
private sector is nonexistence. How will these people earn a living if
the elites can, with a stroke of a pen give away their land to greedy
foreign corporations, whose sole purpose is to make profit at any cost
to the local community?

As citizens, we need to be aware of such and other similar cases of
corruptive practices. Otherwise our community and state representative
both at national, state and village level will squander our precious
asset, the land. I recently came across the case of Kenya Taita Teveta
county. The residents of Taita Teveta County in Kenya coastal province
are living as squatters on their ancestral land because the president-
elected, Mr. Uhuru Kenyatta somehow own the land.

Perhaps the lesson to be learnt from these cases is that not
everything western, whether democracy or capitalism should be
wholeheartedly embrace without skepticism. Foreign investment does not
automatically translate to economic development. Foreign companies
like to invest in Africa because it is profitable and in part due to
lack of regulations and high level of corruption by government
officials. Perhaps, the myth of Equatorian land grabbing and
occupation by Dinka and Western Nilotic need fresh examination and
evaluation for the sake of fairness and justice.

Jay Johnson is a former freedom fighter and can be reached at
[email protected]

Documents/Attachments:

Oakland Institute: Report in land investment deals in South Sudan:
http://www.oaklandinstitute.org/sites/oaklandinstitute.org/files/OI_country_report_south_sudan_1.pdf

Mukaya Payam community letter to Central Equatoria State governor:
http://media.oaklandinstitute.org/sites/oaklandinstitute.org/files/Mukayaletterjuly2011.pdf

Mukaya Payam lease agreement:
http://media.oaklandinstitute.org/sites/oaklandinstitute.org/files/Lanya%20County%20Land%20Grab--Lease_0.pdf

Letter from Murle community:
http://www.oaklandinstitute.org/sites/oaklandinstitute.org/files/Letter_from_Liaison_Committee_Murle_Community.pdf

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