Bozize Falls and Zuma Fails in the CAR – By Michael Keating


March 26, 2013










Much to ponder for President Zuma after the South African army's
recent debacle in the CAR.

One of the tangential aspects of the deteriorating situation in the
Central African Republic is the controversial role of South African
Defence Forces (SADF). Sent in via a 2007 bilateral agreement between
Presidents Bozize and Zuma, the SADF forces (originally called
trainers in some reports and peacekeepers in others) suffered up to a
dozen casualties over the weekend, making it the greatest loss of
South African soldiery since the end of apartheid. “This is
tremendously damaging for South Africa and the reputation of what was
perceived as one of the major military powers in Africa,” said Alex
Vines, an analyst at the Chatham House think-tank in London, speaking
to Reuters.

Reports out of South Africa, however, describe the 200 SADF soldiers
as paratroopers and Special Forces, not trainers. Their engagement
over the weekend with over 1000 rebel troops advancing on the city
apparently proved too much for them; it is now unclear what will
happen. According to an unconfirmed UN source in Bangui (as reported
by Reuters) SADF had asked the French for assistance in leaving the
country. Additionally, the rumour mill in South Africa has it that the
soldiers were never really there to protect Bozize as their primary
mission, but rather to safeguard South African mining interests and to
counter French influence in the region. If that is the case then the
irony of asking the French for help to depart will certainly not be
lost on the critics.

This is hardly a robust start to Zuma’s ambition to be a power broker
throughout the continent, nor a good start to the conference of BRICS
nations, now taking place in Durban. It is also likely to fuel the
debate within South Africa about what kind of military is appropriate
for the country, which has armed itself as if it was going to be
fighting a defensive war against foreign invaders, but whose real
future will lie in peacekeeping operations throughout the continent.
Another option is that Zuma will attempt to revive South Africa’s
apartheid era role as a regional ‘enforcer’, if that is the case then
the country’s force readiness is surely in question.

Meanwhile, back at home South Africa, social media is laying bare the
country’s own tensions and contradictions with some critics calling
the SADF a disgraceful band of “road-blockers”. Others are calling on
Zuma to send in reinforcements, even though it appears that the battle
for Bangui is over. Most South Africans seem more sceptical than angry
about what its soldiers are doing in the CAR, many commentators simply
asked that prayers be made for the lost young men.

Whatever happens, South African military and foreign affairs
specialists have to examine the CAR situation and figure out how to
prevent such a debacle from occurring again. It might be advisable for
South Africa to refrain from acting unilaterally in deploying troops
and coordinate more effectively with the African Union and the United
Nations.

In addition to the South African contingent, the CAR is also hosting
Ugandan troops and U.S. Special Forces on the ground who have been
pursuing the Lord’s Resistance Army. It is unclear how these
operations will be affected by the coup as these forces were brought
in by deposed President Bozize.

South Africa will have to revise its training policies as well as its
inventory of military hardware and deploy its intelligence services in
such a manner that they have a better understanding of the threats
faced by their conventional forces. That a supposedly well trained and
well armed national army can be overwhelmed by rebel fighters is
certainly not unprecedented, but when it does happen military heads
usually roll and force deployment doctrines are overhauled. This is
hardly Dien Bien Phu, but it should serve as a wake up call to SADF
planners.

More importantly, however, might be the future political role of South
Africa outside its own borders. The African Union’s ‘African Solutions
for African Problems’ doctrine, which Zuma apparently supports, is
sure to be tested. However, if Zuma interprets this as a mandate to
unilaterally deploy South African military in defence of its own
economic interests (or to protect its friends) then the country’s
influence is likely to wane. Ultimately, it may also be viewed as
‘mercenary’, which is how the rebels in Bangui have chosen to describe
the South African incursion.

Rather than being invited in, South Africa will now have to watch from
the sidelines as the future of the CAR is decided. This is certainly a
missed opportunity for Pretoria to exert its influence in the region.
It also has the negative effects of exposing important weaknesses in
SA’s military readiness and exacerbating some political tensions back
home.

Michael Keating is a Lecturer in the International Relations Program
at the University of Massachusetts Boston. He is also a Senior Analyst
at Wikistrat. He can be reached at [email protected]

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