Darfur: Money Won't Buy Human Rights

On 7-8 April, donors will meet to discuss ways of reconstructing and
developing Darfur. But unless root causes are addressed, aid will
struggle to make a difference.
Article | 5 April 2013 - 4:42pm | By Jehanne Henry


Darfur desperately needs help – but not just to repair damage from the
horrific conflict that erupted in 2003, killing 300,000 people,
destroying hundreds of villages and pushing 2 million people to camps
inside Darfur and across the Chadian border. Darfur also desperately
needs to overcome the marginalisation and underdevelopment that helped
fuel the conflict.

This weekend, delegates from donor countries and financial
institutions will be meeting in Doha, Qatar, and are expected to
pledge support for an ambitious development strategy in Darfur. So why
are so many Darfuris, and Darfur activists, uneasy?

Perpetuating woes

Firstly, the armed conflict is not over. The Sudanese government is
still using its army, air force, and still-intact militia – including
janjaweed – in its counter-insurgency operations against rebel groups
and its abusive attacks on the ethnic communities they accuse of
supporting the rebels. Lawlessness and the proliferation of arms have
made communal conflicts, in which government forces often participate,
more lethal. These have resulted in hundreds of deaths and displaced
more than 100,000 people this year alone.

Secondly, vast parts of Darfur are not accessible to peacekeepers or
aid workers. The African Union/United Nations peacekeeping mission,
UNAMID, cannot visit the majority of areas where violence has occurred
to help protect civilians and monitor the abuses. This is not just due
to security problems, but also because the government restricts access
for independent monitors and observers. Although Sudan recently said
it has streamlined access requirements, many observers remain dubious
whether it will truly open up.

The third problem is the Sudanese government’s repressive policies.
The government uses national security laws to harass and detain
suspected rebels and their presumed supporters, including students,
for long periods without judicial review or charge.

And then there’s accountability. The government has done nothing to
provide justice for victims of the most serious abuses during the
conflict – including for any of the government’s own attacks on
villages. With a few exceptions, the authorities shield members of
government forces from prosecution and have ignored the warrants for
the arrest of President Omar al-Bashir and others from the
International Criminal Court.

Under these circumstances, it is difficult to see how the 155-page
Developing Darfur: A Recovery and Reconstruction Strategy – which
includes everything from building roads, schools, and clinics, to
agricultural schemes, to the tune of $7 billion – can be meaningfully
implemented. As the World Bank itself has noted, countries mired in
violence are where people face the worst failures of development. In a
2011 report about development in conflict areas, the World Bank notes
how crucial security, justice, and jobs are to break the cycles of
violence.

Developing Darfur?

The aims of the conference are, of course, admirable. In addition to
supporting recovery and development projects, it will draw attention
to Darfur, which has slipped out of the limelight, and could breathe
life into the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur – the 2011 peace
agreement signed by the government and one rebel group. Support for
the development strategy, it is hoped, will attract more support for –
and signatories to – the peace deal.

Long-suffering Darfuris deserve the international solidarity and
generosity, but there are real concerns that funds will not improve
human rights. Money can’t buy the reforms needed to make the
strategy’s vision of respect for human rights and the rule of law come
true. Only Sudan’s government can rein in its forces, disarm militia,
hold abusers accountable, stop bombing and attacking civilians, and
end its repressive policies. Only the government can grant the UN and
aid groups the unfettered access they need.

All of those steps are set out in countless UN Security Council
Resolutions and incorporated into benchmarks such as those put forward
by the UN Group of Experts for improving the human rights situation.
But Sudan has repudiated external efforts to change its behaviour and
implemented almost none of them.

International donors rightly want to see sustained development and
respect for basic rights in Darfur. They should not accept partial,
politicised development, nor should they ignore ongoing rights abuses
or the pressing humanitarian needs that still exist. Instead, donors
should lean hard on their beneficiary government and insist on
long-demanded reforms and better human rights conditions.

They should insist on full access to Darfur, transparency in the
management and oversight of the funding, and independent monitoring to
ensure that funds promote real improvements in the human rights
situation and don’t contribute to continuing repression.

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