Breaking silence on Abyei

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By Beny Gideon Mabor

“I don’t know what’s right and wrong anymore”, he said, tears
streaming down his cheeks. “On the one hand, I am warned that you are
the tool of oppression against our people, an enemy of the Christians
and an agent of the evil. On the other hand, when I am with you, I see
a kind and compassionate person whom I cannot believe could be evil
man I am warned about. Oh! Uncle Ali, what shall I do? Whom shall I
believe?” Cry of the Owl. Francis Mading Deng p.131

May 9, 2013 - I struggled within myself for ages over Abyei
contestable identity between the Republic of South Sudan and the
Sudan. Historically, I made remarkable recollections and decided to
break the silence. It was not a pleasing night on date 5 April 2013
when I wake up at 2:15 am midnight and start to think about endless
issue of Abyei. I concluded that Abyei saga exactly fall within the
context of the above mentioned quote between Elias Bol Malek, a
southerner and captain Ali of northern Sudanese nationality.

Certainly, I must tell you this is current situation of Abyei. The
questions then follows: What shall we do now with this conflicting
identity of Abyei between South Sudan and Sudan since our political
leadership of the two countries fails to reach amicable solution over
Abyei? Whom shall we believe as true owners of Abyei in this scenario?
What is the fate of innocent lives lost every year in Abyei as a
result of boarder conflicts and politically motivated contract
killings? The list of questions goes on, but no proper answers ever
met them. God knows!

In fact, where is Abyei Area and what is the bond of contention so
far? Although the geographical area of Abyei is clearly known to be a
territory within the Republic of South Sudan, yet the international
community was allowed to fork in their nose and confused the true
identity of Abyei which they do not know. The political leadership of
the two countries also followed the suit and complicated the matter by
describing Abyei in many controversial identities. Some self claimed
analysts describe Abyei as Kashmir of Sudan and South Sudan which is
not true. This gave Arabs Misseriya and the Khartoum based
administration some sense of ownership. However, the issue of Abyei
has been wrangling on since 1965 when hostilities first broke out
between the Dinka Ngok and Missiriya with massacre of 72 Dinka Ngok in
the Misseriya town of Babanusa. The Ngok Dinka then decided to join
the Anyanya revolutionary movement to liberate themselves from such
brutal killings when the war intensified in the South, against
monolithic Arabs in the Sudan including Messiriya.

Unfortunately, during the Addis Ababa peace agreement in 1972, the
position of Abyei was disputed, with the Southern rebels asserting
that Abyei was part of the South, while the government in Khartoum
claimed it to be part of the north just like similar game during CPA
2005 negotiations between SPLM and NCP-led government which is not
implemented to date.

The Addis Ababa peace agreement provided self-determination referendum
under Article 3 (iii) of the Agreement for the Dinka Ngok to choose
whether to remain in the north or to join the south. In the civil
service jobs, most intellectuals of Dinka Ngok of Abyei decided to
work with the then regional government of Higher Executive Council as
a signal of their full attachment to Southern region and to ensure the
implementation of Article 3 (iii) of the peace agreement. The same
thing is happening today with Dinka Ngok who are occupying key
constitutional and civil service jobs in South Sudan at all levels of
government in an attempt to alert Khartoum that South Sudan is their
ancestral land. But the question is whether all Dinka Ngok are united
under common intention as part of South Sudan or does exist different
voices who supported being part of Sudan.

Plainly speaking, research show that the Dinka Ngok positions over the
status of Abyei ever since remain divided. The Dinka Ngok currently
residing in Sudan and even some on the ground in Abyei are seen
supporting being part of Sudan. A clear example is an unfortunate
killing of Paramount Chief Kuol Deng Kuol popularly known as Kuol Adol
dated 4 May, 2013 at around 6:00 PM by Messiriya armed groups. The
circumstances surrounding his assassination surely left us speechless
whether it is calculated by fifth columnist or not. How can the
Misseriya armed groups know the presence of Chief Kuol Adol in the
UNISFA vehicles if there is no indoor act of Judas Iscariot, perhaps
the contrary shall only be proved by thorough investigation if it is
done well.

In a continuation for system attack on community leaders in Abyei, it
was awful evening on 17 September, 1970, when a similar attack
happened. Paramount Chief Moyak Deng, two of his brothers and three
uncles were shot dead by a military squad led personally by the then
commanding officer 1st Lt. Mohmed El Basha according to a report
published by Abyei Information Centre. In other words, the killing of
Chief Kuol Adol is a systematic extermination of key leaders in Abyei
to spoil the agenda.

May their Soul rest in peace!

Again at second crucial point in history, the SPLM and NCP-led
government voluntarily fails to reach an agreement on Abyei during CPA
negotiations in 2005. The Abyei conflict was handled in a historical
repetition just like in 1972 when the self-determination referendum
was agreed and dishonored by Khartoum government at broad day light.
At the weakest point in our history liberations struggle, the parties
allowed the Abyei Protocol to be drafted by foreign nationals which
was wholly adopted in the negotiation as the basis for the resolution
of Abyei conflict presented by the US Special Envoy to Sudan Senator
John Danforth on the 19th March, 2004.

With these principles of Agreement on Abyei, Senator Danforth wrongly
defines Abyei as a bridge between the north and the south, linking the
people of Sudan under Article 1.1.1 of the Abyei Protocol. How can it
be a bridge when the land falls deeply within the Republic of South
Sudan? Worst enough; it is crystal clear now that with the presence
and intervention of international community as a follow up mechanism
of the self-determination referendum for the Dinka Ngok, the situation
deteriorates. Finally, it is evident that foreign solution will never
solve Abyei issue anymore and the government and people of South Sudan
must think otherwise.

In conclusion, I am call upon the government of South Sudan and that
of Sudan to expedite the process of implementation of Abyei referendum
as scheduled by AU High level implementation panel if it may hold
water. Second, let the Dinka Ngok community and intellectuals all over
the world come back to Abyei Area for community meeting in order to
come out with clear agenda on the status of Abyei conflict. This is
when the Government and people of South Sudan will support Ngok Dinka
after they are united for purpose. Do not allow Dr. Francis Mading
said his different version of the resolution of Abyei conflcit in New
York, while some claimed elderly Dinka Ngok members in Sudan have
another version as well as Dinka Ngok elites in the SPLM-led
government in Juba have different version on Abyei conflict
resolution. We will never reach an intended destination. Indeed, Abyei
problem needs Abyei solution and not foreign attempts under stalemate.

Last but not least, the failure of the government and people of South
Sudan without retaining full control of Abyei Area as constitutional
obligation will be a litmus test for territorial integrity of South
Sudan. Such terrorist related act of extermination of community
leaders and groundless claimed by Sudan over Abyei Area are sign of
temptation on South Sudan muscle of territorial defense. Otherwise let
us stand behind President Salva Kiir, that he will not leave and inch
of the Abyei are to Sudan.

Beny Gideon Mabor is an independent commentator on governance and
human rights. The author is currently in Nairobi, Kenya and can be
reached at [email protected]

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