Kenyatta, Ruto and the ICC: major diplomatic earthquake in the offing
– By Richard Dowden



May 8, 2013









Everyone is so relieved that the Kenyan election this year did not
result in a repeat of ethnic violence after the 2007 election, that we
seem to have forgotten that both President Uhuru Kenyatta and Vice
President William Ruto have been summoned to appear at the
International Criminal Court in The Hague charged with crimes against
humanity.

This week Kenyatta was invited to London to attend the conference on
Somalia, Kenya’s troublesome northern neighbour. Everyone else charged
with crimes against humanity by the ICC has been arrested on sight and
locked up to await trial.  But instead of slipping on the handcuffs
this week, Mr Cameron grasped Mr Kenyatta warmly by the hand and
welcomed him to London. He argues that Mr Kenyatta is cooperating with
the court. That remains to be seen. Kenyatta must report to the ICC in
The Hague on July 9th, Ruto on May 28th.

There are precedents here. Mrs Thatcher embraced Augusto Pinochet of
Chile, another murderous dictator but one who helped Britain during
the Falklands war, because he too was an enemy of Argentina. And Tony
Blair embraced Colonel Gadaffi when he dropped his nuclear programme.
But their crimes were committed before the ICC was established.

No one seems to have thought about the possibility that a murderous
warlord might be elected president of a country which is a close ally
of Britain and the US and vital to the security and prosperity of East
Africa. When Britain and 121 other countries ratified the Rome statute
establishing the ICC (a further 31 signed but have not yet ratified),
it was assumed that states would cooperate with the Court. No one
envisaged a situation in which someone indicted for crimes against
humanity would be elected president.

So will Kenyatta and Ruto dutifully surrender themselves to the court
on their appointed dates? Will they then continue to try to run Kenya
by skype from a cell in a Dutch prison for the next few years?
Unthinkable. Even if they agreed to go, Kenyans – including the middle
classes – will lie down on the road to the airport to prevent them
going. Never mind that Kenya was given the choice to hold them to
account in the Kenyan courts but failed to do so.  Never mind that
Kenya’s international treaty obligations oblige the country to deliver
them to The Hague. Never mind that both should already have been
arrested by the Kenyan police and put on a plane, delivered to the
court and locked up. They are not going to go.

When Kofi Annan issued the names of those culpable for the murder and
mayhem that tore Kenya apart in 2008, he gave them a choice of going
to The Hague or being tried in Kenya. Both Kenyatta and Ruto argued in
favour of The Hague rather than the Kenyan courts, believing that
somehow it would never happen. When The Hague issued summonses they
went swiftly into reverse. Too late! Then they argued that they did
not have to come in person. Extraordinarily, given that they are
accused of crimes against humanity, no arrest warrants have been
issued by the Kenyan state or anyone else.

Many Kenyans believe that the charges will be quietly dropped. They
believe that Western governments control the Court and it will do
their bidding. President Obama and or Prime Minister David Cameron,
they believe, will simply phone up the International Criminal Court
and tell it to drop the charges. That belief will be strengthened by
the sight of Mr Cameron greeting their president in London this week.

I used to think that Britain’s obligation to the ICC would trump its
relationship with Kenyan politicians but now I am not so sure. Either
way a major train smash is on the way. I cannot see any way of
avoiding it. It’s either the end of the ICC or a deep rift between
those committed to the ICC and Africa. It sounds like a perfect
opportunity for China – another ICC non signatory – to strengthen its
already dominant new position in Africa.

Western countries, Britain in particular (being Kenya’s closest ally
outside Africa) are faced with a hard choice: abandon the ICC or
isolate their closest political and security ally in East and the Horn
of Africa. Britain and western countries benefit hugely from a stable,
prosperous Kenya. In Mombasa Kenya has the best port on the western
Indian Ocean. 5000 Kenyan troops are in Somalia helping to restore
peace and Britain is taking the lead in establishing a legitimate
government there. A huge space in northern Kenya is also the British
army’s training ground for hot weather warfare. British troops heading
to Afghanistan spend time acclimatising to hot conditions and training
there. And Britain wants economic success stories in Africa. Kenya has
a dynamic economy and has just discovered oil. Five of the top ten tax
paying companies in Kenya are British and economic ties are strong. At
a time of fragile security in the whole of the Horn of Africa as well
as the growing economic influence of China in the area, is this the
moment to put Kenya in the deep freeze?

Against this argument is the demand for a system of international
justice where politicians are no longer above the law and can hire
gangs of thugs and hit-men to destroy their opponents. In Africa
however there is a strong feeling that the ICC is specifically
targeting those from the continent. The vast majority of those
convicted by the ICC and its affiliates are indeed African. The only
president facing trial is Omar Beshir of Sudan who has been charged
with crimes against humanity in Darfur. There was once talk of sending
snatch squads to capture him but he travels around Africa freely with
no threat of arrest in most countries.

So what will happen? Unless anything changes, when Kenya fails to
deliver those charged to The Hague it will be punished by
international sanctions. As Johnny Carson, the retiring United States
Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, said “choices have
consequences”. America’s president may be half Kenyan but he is not
sentimental about it. Contact with Kenya by countries who have
ratified the ICC charter will be reduced to a minimum – essential
business only. The President and Vice President of Kenya will be
unable to travel except to countries that do not recognise the court.
Aid to Kenya, including training the Kenyan armed forces, will be cut.
British and US naval ships will stop using Mombasa port. Kenyans will
find it harder to come to Europe and the US.

The fact is that the Kenyan elite – like many in Africa – simply do
not recognise that they are subject to the law. Politically powerful,
exceedingly wealthy and above the law, no state official would dare
touch them. Throughout the years they have regularly looted the state
through scams such as Goldenburg and Anglo Leasing but not one of them
has been sent to jail. That is why the rest of the Kenyan elite have
rallied round and supported them in the name of nationalism fighting
off “British colonialism”.

There are some manoeuvres that Kenyatta, Ruto and the others accused
can deploy to delay their trials. Kenya could repudiate the treaty,
withdraw from the court and refuse to send those accused for trial.
There is widespread demand in Kenya and elsewhere in Africa to
withdraw from the ICC but under international law that would not
affect the cases already started.

After that the options narrow. For example under Chapter VII, the UN
Security Council can adopt a resolution requesting the Court not to
commence an investigation or prosecution for up to 12 months. Kenyatta
and Ruto have both requested a delay in the beginning of the trial and
asked if they can appear by video link or that the trial is held in
Kenya or Arusha (Tanzania). The court is looking at a request for
delay in Kenyatta’s trial until November but it looks unlikely to bend
on other issues. The larger threat is that witnesses will be prevented
from attending. At least two key witnesses in the Kenyatta case are
reported to have either disappeared and are believed to have been
murdered. Others have withdrawn their statements. The case might
collapse.

The case against Ruto is said to be much stronger. Ruto is the
Kalenjin leader and the worst killing that took place in 2008 was
between Kalenjin and Kikuyu. Kenyatta and Ruto then established an
ethnic alliance which made sure the war between them did not break out
again and their combined numbers would secure electoral victory. But
if Ruto goes to The Hague but not Kenyatta there may be war between
the two groups again.

Whichever way you look at it a major diplomatic earthquake is about to happen.

Richard Dowden is Director of the Royal African Society and author of
Africa; altered states, ordinary miracles. For more of Richard’s blogs
click here.

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