The Peril of Ethnic Federalism in the Republic of South Sudan

"There is also a naïve perception that true democracy can be attained
only through federal constitutional making."


 04 May 2013


By Stephen Par Kuol
(Gurtong)-United by common struggle against common oppression, the
people of Southern Sudan’s three provinces of Bar-El -Gahzal, Equtoria
and Upper Nile had been clamoring for federalism since the
sudanization period. They had been exacting that with protracted
tenacity until a sort of quasi federalism was introduced with the
signing of the Addis Ababa Accord in March 1972 granting the three
provinces regional political autonomy. Although such a federal
arrangement temporarily resolved the South- North Conflict, it ushered
in another conflict (South – South Conflict) transpiring into Kokora.

The Kokora (re-division) as we knew it then meant different thing to
different political factions of Southern Sudan. To its proponents, it
was meant to introduce a more meaningful federal system with equitable
sharing of power, resources and employment opportunities. To its
opponents, it was a malicious project to politically fragment the
South as one geopolitical entity.

Whether the Kokorists meant well or not, the unfortunate truth was
that it brought about vicious infighting resulting in the eventual
loss of the very hard won regional autonomy in 1983. Uncle James Agor,
one of the veteran politicians and intellectuals of that generation
described it in one of the recent discussions on SPLM-Diaspora Network
as a politics of greed and tribalism. Both General Joseph Lagu and Mr.
Abel Alier, the key players of that game also confessed it in writings
and public pronouncements as a lifetime political blunder.

The only progressive experience out of that federal arrangement
(regional autonomy) in my own view was that it helped shaping the
Southern region into a separate and distinct sub-national entity
within the Greater Sudan setting the stage for the next round of the
national liberation struggle that culminated in CPA and Independence
on July 9, 2011 .Other than that, the politics of the High Executive
Council set in motion an extremely divisive political tribalism which
eventually brought to the fore the intra-Southern factional politics
that manifested itself during the last round of our national
liberation struggle spearheaded by the SPLM/A.

Despite all the political infightings and divisions, the SPLM
leadership upheld the historical aspiration for self- rule.
Ironically, the NCP system of federalism that divided the southern
region into ten states was confirmed. In practice, this federal
arrangement for the most part created ethnic based states and counties
calling for ethnic boundaries. This federal system is characterized by
highly localized politics that tends to take bitter sectional
divisions from boma level up. Along this direction, the tribes, clans
and sections have been demanding more counties and ethnocentric
states. Every section demands its own small administrative entity in
the name of federalism and devolution of powers to the grass roots.

As the history repeats itself, the Juba politics of the day is
dreadfully gathering regional and ethnic streams. Regional conferences
have been convened not only to express ethnic and regional
solidarities but also to table ethnic political demands in a very
divisive tone. In those regional and ethnic platforms, national
fraternities are clearly subordinated. Prominent national political
figures take the stage to stoop low and sound like tribal demagogues.
Evidently, the raw tones of those forums have created a negative
sentiment that tends to further polarization of the national politics
along ethnic and regional lines. Cheap unity of purpose to promote
localism has thus prevailed over timely issues such as food security,
human resources capacity building and national security.

The political science scholars who contend that every politics is
local have gotten it more than right in the case of South Sudan.
Presently, local political voices call the shot even in affairs that
are supposed to be exclusively national. Every political affair is
openly influenced by the tribal chiefs and the so-called community
leaders. “It is our turn to eat” is the name of the game. Merits
matter less in such matrixes as the voices of the communities override
them. Public posts, whether at civil service or constitutional levels,
are allocated to tribes, not qualified and competent individuals.

 Federalism is scientifically defined as a system of government in
which political powers are decentralized and devolved to the
peripheries. This way, the peripheries become autonomous centers of
political powers in their own right. I lived the beautiful experience
of that in the United States and enjoyed the benefits that come with
such system. The peril in our case is the ethnic nationalism behind
the drive for it as things stand now.

What is even more perilous at the core of this system is the politics
of ethnic boundaries which has been violent by the day since the year
2005. Any astute observer of the current political affairs in South
Sudan can easily agree with the author that the prevailing
intra-tribal boundary politics is a ticking time bomb clock hanging
over us at the time of this writing.

In blatant violation of their constitutional right to move, settle and
own properties anywhere in their vast country, South Sudanese are
treated like illegal aliens in their own land by their own fellow
citizens as citizenship rights are politically confined to ethnic
enclaves.

Borders conflicts have then been raging every since. The last eight
years in South Sudan have witnessed a war of man against every man
over the land issues in the entire country. It has been tribe against
tribe, county against county, clan against clan. Thousands of people
have been killed or displaced as results of those intera-tribal or
inter clans’ conflicts.

In Upper Nile State, it was Dinka of Baliet versus Shilluk of
Panyikang counties over Malakal, Nakdier and Lul Payams. Lou Nuer of
Akobo County in Jonglei State and Jikany Nuer of Ulang and Nasir
Counties over Barmach and Wanding Payam.

In Jonglei State: Uror county and Duk County over Pajut Payam. Shilluk
of Panyikang versuss Dinka of Piji/ Korfolus counties over Piji area.
Shilluk and Lou Nuer over Obel Payam. Even in one ethnic community of
Twic East County a conflict erupted between Ayuaal and Dachuek clans
over Wangeli Payam. In Greater Fangak, it is the prevailing border
dispute between Piji and Fangak counties on one hand and Ayod and Piji
on the other over Kolanyang and Bielewiech respectively. There is also
Ker or Aker conflict between Ayod and Duk counties.

In Central Equatoria, it was Mundari and Bari community at Jebel Lado
Payam. Dinka Bor of Pariak and Mundari of Jamaza Payams. In Juba Bari
community has been fighting constantly against unlawful land grabbers.

In Eastern Equatoria, the counties of Parajok, Budi, Numle and Kapeota
have also been experiencing several fighting over land issues between
the communities of Acholi, Madi, Didinga and Taposa and Dinka Bor
settlers.

In Lakes State, different Dinka clans have been fighting among
themselves over land issues, which resulted in lootings of livestock
and death of people on both sides. Rumbek County in Lakes State and
Morobo County in Western Equatoria over land issue in which several
people died.

Most recently, it was Balanda Community against the Government of
Western Bar Elghazal over Wau town.

These mini intera-communal conflicts are not storms in a tea cup. They
can quickly plunge this country into the state of Somalia. It is very
unfortunate that our people have misconceived federalism as a creation
of independent tribal states and that is where comes what I call peril
of ethnic federalism in South Sudan. It is a menace that could sinks
the ship of the new republic if not treated with the diligence and
vigilance it deserves.

True, federalism is globally the accepted trend but my own humble
observation is that South Sudan has had a false start with federalism
from the word go! It is not creation of ten states and 79 counties
that bring about true federalism. It is rather the practical
application of democratic federalism that goes to the bottom of
issues, not quasi federalism whose constitution contradicts the very
basic tenet of federalism (decentralization).

You can call it anything but in my book; it is ethnic federalism which
is not only divisive but also expensive to run. A traumatized and
young nation like ours should have started small with democratic
unitary system with strong central government that regulates land
issues to serve the best interest of the national public security, not
loose empowerment of tribal chiefs to run the countryside like their
private backyards. Exercising their absolute domain over the land, the
ethnic groups have gone as far as interfering with town surveys and
allocation of plots for development in several capitals throughout
South Sudan. The decay of the whole thing is best illustrated by the
apparent fact that the same people who blame Bari Community for not
allowing other South Sudanese ethnic groups to settle in Juba are
practicing the same thing in their home state capitals.

 Depending on what we want to achieve with this loose ethnic
federalism, we will ripe what we have sawn so far. Experiences
elsewhere have proven that “Ethnic Federalism has not dampened
conflict, but rather increased competition among ethnic groups over
the land, natural resources, administrative boundaries and government
budgets.

The case in point is the experiment of the Ethiopian People’s
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), led by Prime Minister Meles
Zenawi which transformed the previously centralized state into the
Federal Democratic Republic in the 1990s, redefining citizenship,
politics and identity on ethnic grounds. The stated intent was to
create a more prosperous, just and representative state for all
citizens. The economic aspect of that project might have been achieved
as planned but it has resulted in deep polarization of the national
politics.

That is exactly what is unfolding now in South Sudan. Take a deep look
into the trend of regional alliances of today in South Sudan to see
where we are heading to.

Too often, analysts in South Sudanese media confuse democratic
federalism with ethnic federalism. There is also a naïve perception
that true democracy can be attained only through federal
constitutional making. Writing from a practical experience, I
respectfully differ. A very personal journey in my previous career as
a diplomat took me to the United Republic of Tanzania which happened
to be the most democratic and politically stable unitary state in this
region. It is also the only country without tribal chiefs in the
continent.

So democratic federalism does not have to be ethnic to perfect or
maximize its benefits. It can still work even better if we all share
Juba, Malakal and Wau as multi-ethnic counties. Hence, as we move
inexorably towards a permanent national constitution, South Sudanese
must reflect again on the federal character enshrined in the existing
transitional constitution.

It is important to note that although the country is structurally
federal at the moment, the sentiments and passions behind the drive
for it has a tribal character that needs to be remedied through a
creative and accommodative political mechanism, which must include
encouraging multi ethnic-states and counties for the best interest of
peace, security and national integration. Otherwise, we can continue
with the course charted so far, but at a very high peril.

The author is the current State Minister of Education in Jonglei
State. However, the views expressed in this article do not represent
the official view of Jonglei State Government but his own as citizen
of South Sudan trying to contribute to the ongoing constitutional
making..


 Posted in: Opinions

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