A Day in the DRC

 Witnessing life in Goma, a city that's been invaded, ransacked,
inundated with refugees, and flattened by a volcano -- all in the last
17 years.

Armin RosenMay 21 2013, 9:00 AM ET

 GOMA, Democratic Republic of Congo -- This city of about one million
inhabitants located in the conflict-prone eastern Congolese province
of North Kivu has had few tributes written to it. From afar, its
recent history is a saga of misfortune that makes it seem like Baghdad
with a lakefront view, or Mogadishu without the white-sand beaches.
Since 1996, it's been besieged, ransacked, inundated with refugees,
and leveled by a volcanic eruption. Around a million Rwandans showed
up on the city's doorstep after the country's 1994 genocide. And just
in the past year, more than 200,000 internally displaced persons
(IDPs) have been chased there by the M23 rebel movement, which marched
on the city late last year.

Goma is a rich and unique social ecosystem, and not some abstract
realm where horrible things happen to strangers.

It's a city built by conflict, a place that 20 years of warfare has
churned into a mostly-impoverished chaos of ethnicities and
nationalities, helpers and profiteers. There isn't much of a
government, municipal or otherwise, and both man and nature threaten
the city's very existence. But even a city this molded by its
catastrophes isn't wholly defined by them -- those invading armies and
cascades of lava gather in the back of a visitor's mind without ever
becoming real enough to blot out its normal rhythms. Goma has its
monuments and its hangouts; its pleasures and its injustices, its
places of quiet reflection, as well as places to get swept up in the
pace of life. It is a rich and unique social ecosystem, not some
abstract realm where horrible things happen to strangers, even if
7,000 miles of distance might give one the luxury of believing that
this is all it amounts to.

One Sunday (April 21st, to be exact), I set out with James, a local
guide of sorts, to see things that had no overt connection to the
eastern Congo's many tragedies; to gather evidence  that life here is
more than just displacement and conflict, even in a city this
battered. A base for Uruguayan UN peacekeepers was, paradoxically, a
perfect starting point.

At around 9 a.m., we made our way up the gravel airport road in a
suffering compact car James had procured for the day. Like most
streets in Goma, the road is made of pulverized volcanic rock, the
handiwork of Mount Nyiragongo, a towering green cone that's crowned
with the world's largest lava lake and spouts a constant horizontal
cloud of white smoke, so that the skies around Goma can never be
totally clear. Nyiragongo is only 12 kilometers from the city, and it
is one of the most dangerous volcanos on earth -- it's possible to see
gas rising out of the ground even on its gentle lower slopes, miles
away from where the mountain abruptly shoots skyward. The proximity of
seismic activity to local natural gas deposits has led to fears that
the earth, the lake, and, subsequently, the city, could just up and
explode.

The airport evokes a less apocalyptic mood. With its runways streaking
through a fenced-off area near the downtown, it is the region's most
important piece of infrastructure, and, subsequently, a place of
legendary corruption and graft . Only one paved road leads to Goma,
from neighboring Rwanda -- but if you want to get to Kinshasa, the
DRC's distant capital, the airport is your sole option. "Only one
commercial airline flies there," James said of the city, which lies
about as far away from Goma as London does from Warsaw, "and you pray
when you take it."

In November, the Rwandan-supported M23 rebel movement marched on and
then briefly occupied Goma, leading to fears that the city's gateway,
which sees heavy UN and NGO traffic, could fall into hostile hands. As
a result, it is guarded with an eye towards maximum intimidation, and
despite its reputation for bribery and lawlessness, the airport is
ringed with symbols of authority -- UN and army bases, tanks and heavy
vehicles with swiveling gun turrets. Egyptian Humvees in UN livery and
Uruguayan machine-gunners in pickup trucks drive laps around its busy
perimeter roads, waiting for trouble to start. But there are no rebels
in sight on this Sunday morning -- they're staying put along their
front lines, up in the hills a few short kilometers north of town. The
Uruguayan base sits toward the end of the runway, near the carcass of
a rotting DC-3. The Uruguayans themselves looked bored.

There were a couple dozen of them browsing a market across from their
base, a rocky and grassy expanse next to a field where shirtless
children pursued a raggedy soccer ball. The sellers hocked underwear
and dress clothing and African figurines, as well as souvenirs aimed
at the coveted UN peacekeeper demographic.. They sold t-shirts with
the words "DR Congo: Tour of Duty" tastelessly superimposed over a
skull and crossbones; another said "Six Months Away From Home: Tough
But Possible," below a silhouette of a commando aiming his gun -- a
wishful image, given the peacekeeping mission's widely-criticized
passivity and the near-nonchalance with which it let the city fall
during the November crisis. The shirts were in English, but the
sellers beckoned with calls of "Esso! Esso!" and snippets of basic
Spanish as beefy South Americans wandered from merchant to merchant,
one of which was blasting a mariachi tune -- a decidedly non-Uruguayan
song -- over a portable tape player. "They are good customers," one
seller told me, and it certainly seemed that way -- several of them
hugged stacks of knock-off Calvin Kleins to their chests. The seller
had learned how to bargain with his customers in Spanish, although
he'd recently switched from hocking clothing in front of a South
African peacekeeping base, a commercial beat that he seemed to prefer.
"We would look for things to sell to the South Africans from suppliers
from Burundi and Uganda," he told me. The seller understood South
African tastes. But a market had sprouted up across the street from
the Uruguayans, and he found himself picking up Spanish and selling to
people like Lieutenant Costa, a doughy, crew-cut fellow ogling a pink
warm-up jacket and sipping mate tea through a metal straw.

He shrugged off an interview request, but what I'd seen was
instructive enough. If it weren't for a war that has killed up to 5.4
million people since 1996, there wouldn't be Congolese playing Mexican
music to lure Uruguayan soldiers into spending American dollars --
Congolese Francs aren't really all that useful in Goma -- on South
African blue jeans smuggled through Burundi. There might otherwise not
be places like Salt and Pepper, a dust pit that is nevertheless the
only Indian restaurant I've been to outside of India where the
proprietors have dared to get the spices right. There wouldn't be
places like the Coco Jambo, an outdoor lounge where heavyset and
permanently glowering Lebanese men share space with drunken aid
workers at the Friday DJ night (Who are those guys, I asked one French
NGO employee. "Men who sell things for what they're worth," was her
damning reply -- Goma being the sort of place where acquiring useful
items in bulk and then selling at value is often an exploitative and
occasionally violent livelihood.)


 And if it weren't for the war, it's doubtful that, a few hours after
my visit to the market by the airport road, I would be gawking at the
almost Edenic view of Lake Kivu afforded by the outdoor bar at the
Ihusi Hotel, which has a fountain graced by a giant plastic mountain
gorilla, in addition to a resident flock of bushy-headed crested
cranes, slender blue and white birds strutting among the palm trees.
They are apparently endangered.

This idyllic, and, in most countries, illegal scene would be more
appropriate for honeymooners than conflict journalists, but it makes a
perverted kind of sense: the war has filled Goma with NGO workers and
UN staff and outsiders trading in weapons or minerals -- the eastern
Congo has an abundance of both. It's created a low-end market, like
the scene outside of the Uruguayan base, and a high-end market, where
French army generals in blue UN berets can eat a $20 veal cordon bleu
amid rare exotic birds and mindboggling natural beauty.

At least some of the locals benefit from this. As James explains, Goma
has hotels with connections to the army, and hotels with connections
to the rebels -- directly across the street from each other, in one
case. There are hotels that serve as transit points for conflict
minerals, and high-ceilinged restaurants owned by apparatchiks for
ethnic militants and smugglers. The local wealth might not always be
scrupulously obtained (although scruples are a loose concept in a
place with as little authority as the eastern DRC, where a weak and
predatory state has chased over 90 percent of economic activity to the
informal market), but at least it's local -- unlike other places in
the continent, the city doesn't have the feel of a French or South
African colony, even if French is still, well, the lingua franca.

The Ihusi Hotel is only an hour away from sweltering IDP camps prone
to food shortages and cholera outbreaks, tent cities that have cropped
up in the year since the M23 crisis began. Goma had only 80,000
inhabitants in 1980, but it boasts over a million now. New customers
and cheap labor flee for their lives and then glom on to the city's
periphery. Today, there's little evidence that the western
neighborhood of Kituku was recently a camp for the internally
displaced. Beyond it lie squalid IDP camps that are likely to later
undergo the same integration into Goma's urban fabric.

War has ensured that there are large communities of each of the
region's major ethnic groups, even as it's also ensured that there's a
starving and ever-growing underclass adding to an already-disorganized
mass of humanity. In eastern Congo, conflict is the catalyst for the
same kind of breakneck urbanization that's happening all over Africa,
whose urban population is set to triple by 2050. Elsewhere in the
continent, rural migrants settle in cities for employment or
educational opportunities, which are drivers of urbanization the world
over. In Goma, a similar process is occurring -- but because of the
conflict that's seized the region's more remote and rural areas while
sparing North Kivu's metropolis. Goma is calmer and more prosperous
than the rest of North Kivu, those pesky rebel and volcano-related
threats aside. It grows not despite, but because of, the violence and
chaos that threaten to engulf it.

This suffering has created its share of opportunities.

"I'm afraid of those guys," James joked when we pulled up to a
downtown construction site for a half-finished five-story building.
"Where did they get money to build like this? This wasn't here a month
ago." And there are small opportunities -- below the building, I
spotted a wooden rack of coffins, which were apparently handmade and
sold for about $60 each. Every coffin was wrapped in a colorful thin
felt -- in Goma, you can be sent off in purple or bright red or
butterscotch-tinted psychedelic marble. I asked the proprietor, a
bearded man wearing a peeling, Dolphins-era Ricky Williams jersey,
whether he was doing well out here. "Yes," he said. "There's a lot of
death." The smallest coffins were just a couple of feet long, and
there were a lot of them.

Later in the day, as the compact jerked over cratered gravel streets,
James explained a typical Goman funeral. "Even in war, people try to
live their ordinary lives. It's a reflection of the Congolese people.
Even if you go to a death ceremony, people will cry. And then they
start to relax -- to laugh, to sing." They will mourn and pray for
three days. And then the rumba music will restart, and life will
struggle back towards normalcy.

 Church is everywhere on a Sunday in Goma. The city has austere
Catholic churches and wild Pentecostal churches and rumba churches
where congregants worship to the tinny and wandering guitar phrases of
Congo's national music. There are street churches that form beneath
the crumbling turret of the old Belgian post office near the center of
town, as well as churches in wooden lean-tos, churches in cinderblock
shacks, and churches built out of stately volcanic brick. In the slums
on the northern edge of town, the sounds from the churches carry and
mix, but at the small city dock on Lake Kivu, it could easily have
been any other day of the week. Ferryboats bobbed lazily in the waves
as men fished and washed their motorcycles in the lake. The port is
tucked inside a deep natural bowl, below the sweaty and
eternally-gridlocked downtown, cut off from the anxiety and noise of
its environment. The sliver of mud at the end of the dock, which faces
the mountains of Rwanda and South Kivu on the lake's distant opposite
shores, would be an excellent place to meditate or relax, and the
waters seem to open into a paradise where violence and suffering are
inconceivable. And indeed, a pleasant marijuana odor lingered over the
little mud beach, whose distractions included analog pinball machines
and sundry other games fashioned out of old crates. One such game was
jokingly named after Mobutu, the kleptocratic ex-president for life
who once owned a massive estate just a few hundred yards away from the
port.

But the real centerpiece of this homemade arcade was the foosball
table, built by a sturdy and industrious man named Stanislaus, who
bought the player figurines and steel rods from a Burundian dealer and
then sawed and nailed the rest of it together himself. "Many people
here didn't know how to play this," he said, before claiming that his
was one of only two foosball tables in the entire city. "It was not
very popular." Now, he makes about $3 a day renting it out to the
children, motortaxi drivers, weed smokers, and pickpockets milling
about on the docks. Opponents could play to 10 for 10 cents each. "Out
of about 100 young guys, maybe three of them have a good job,"
Stanislaus told me. "I can't be a thief." He lived in the western part
of the city, in a slum of wooden shacks near the IDP camps and far
away from the source of his livelihood. He could return to the dock
one day to discover that his table had been stolen or harvested for
parts of reclaimed by the waves. Already it was showing signs of wear
-- the wooden playing surface was chipping and all but one of the red
players was missing its head.

 On the drive back up to the city, James and I passed Mobutu's old
estate -- a grand Italianate mansion more tasteful than the late
dictator's flamboyant reputation would suggest -- and a neighborhood
with walled UN compounds spaced every couple hundred yards, places
with names like the MONUSCO Integrated Command, MONUSCO Headquarters:
Goma, and the UNOCHA IDP Data Analysis Center. In its leafier
lakefront precincts, the city is a dirt grid of terraced mansions
rising behind barbed wire, with streets like intersecting box canyons
of high walls and iron gates.

Goma is calm, but ungoverned: home invasions are common, and militants
have allegedly pulled off grenade attacks and assassinations in the
city center. NGO employees adhere to strict curfews, and there are no
clear lines of authority within a city split between the national
army, the UN's army, and a municipality that barely exists. The
uniformed police are seldom paid and subsequently operate more like a
mafia-style protection racket than a true professional force -- people
fear them for the bribes they'll be forced to pay, and not because the
law carries any meaning.

And the authorities are hardly the only people with guns: one day,
near the edge of town, I saw a pickup truck from a government-allied
group of local militants, one of whom was carrying a shoulder-fired
rocket launcher. It's no wonder the houses are well-protected: they
have flying bay windows and fresh layers of roofing; fake third floors
with sharply sloping gables, and broad balconies that are always
empty. They advertise wealth and importance in a place where people
are poor, anonymous, and frequently armed. And they all look brand
new. When Nyiragongo partially erupted in 2002, it destroyed over 40
percent of Goma's buildings; the eruption was so violent that a river
of lava made it to the lakefront some 15 kilometers away. Ten years
later, the city is a patchwork of improvised slums and handsome new
houses. For the most part, the volcano's immediate damage has been
reversed. But not entirely: an old Catholic church by the central
marketplace is still roofless and partially buried in a swamp of
hardened lava. The altar is still there, and when I visited, teenagers
were breakdancing and practicing backflips on the smooth concrete
where the pews used to be.

 As James showed me in the early afternoon, the basketball court was
one of the few places in Goma immune to the disruptions of nature and
man. He took me to a blacktop court in a city park overgrown with
cornstalks, where two teams from Goma's municipal league battled
through the humidity and dust. James had gone to a local Catholic high
school, where he received what he described as a "basketball
education" from the school's hoops-crazy priest and headmaster -- more
than once, he told me that the sport had taught him the
self-discipline needed to survive in a place where living into your
late 20s was hardly a guarantee. Basketball, he said, had saved him
from aimlessness or militancy -- it had saved him, period.

We sat down near the top of a crumbling concrete grandstand, from
which shouts of "Se bon! Se bon!" would issue from a mostly-male crowd
whenever a player heaved a plausible three-point attempt. On the
court, the teams and referees wore bright new uniforms and children
minded a wooden scoreboard. The blue team's forwards were a head
taller than red's, but had no idea how to use their size against the
opposition's speedy and accurate sharpshooters: blue hoisted one
ill-advised shot after another, while red would press a merciless fast
break that reduced blue's defensive strategy -- insomuch as they had
one -- to a series of nasty and desperate fouls. Skill and intellect
were winning. "They don't play defense," James said of the blue team,
which ended up losing by fifteen. "They don't even have a coach." They
actually did, but he remained impassive as the game slipped away.

In a region where authority is so totally mystified, the referees
displayed an enviable ability to maintain order. The game was logical
and organized in a way that nothing else in town seemed to be.
Afterwards, the league's president, a graying man with a dignified
gut, described to me how the league had endured through the war, and
how, as a result, the city now had an entire generation of players who
had grown up with the sport. I asked him to name one area of the game
in which the city could improve. "Defensive tactics," he told me
without hesitation.

"Here in Goma, basketball is considered a more intellectual sport than
football," Selemani, one of the game's referees, told me. "Football is
for guys who aren't intellectual, who don't go to school or think in
the right way. In basketball, you're supposed to follow the rules."
The sport promoted education and civic virtue -- it was a way that the
city could triumph over the insanity of the conditions in which it
existed.

 The most notable monument in Goma is the Golden Tchukadu, a
double-life-sized depiction of a lanky and shirtless young man pushing
one of the handmade, oversized two-wheel wooden scooters that ply
Goma's unpaved streets. In the monument, which sits in the center of
the city's largest roundabout, the scooter's payload is the planet
earth itself. This corresponds perfectly with reality: I saw tchukadus
laden with jerricans, furniture and sacks of charcoal, some with
entire harvests and livelihoods piled over the handlebars. They are
dangerous conveyances, dependent on the driver's sense of balance and
sometimes controlled using a footbrake positioned over the back wheel.
They rumble down even slight inclines at speeds that seem heinously
unsafe, with tiny young heads poking over the high steering columns.
The scooters always look as if they're one ridge or pothole away from
splattering their drivers and cargo over the jagged volcanic streets.
The odds of such a mishap are high, and the tchukudus must contend
with armored UN trucks, NGO Landcruisers, motortaxis, and the woeful
state of the roads. But Gomans are expert tchukudu drivers. They carry
their lives on the scooter's back, after all -- the entire world, and
nothing less.

So much of life in Goma rides on these syntheses of necessity and
ingenuity and constant mortal danger. For all of its churn and
anarchy, Goma is still aware enough of itself to commemorate them.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 This reporting was sponsored in part by Oxfam America.

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