---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: "John Ashworth" <[email protected]>
Date: 29 Jun 2013 08:13
Subject: [sudan-john-ashworth] Which are the real failed states?
To: "Group" <[email protected]>

Leaning Away

Maybe the real failed states are the ones that have the means to help
other nations -- but choose to retreat inward.

BY DAVID ROTHKOPF | JULY/AUGUST 2013
Foreign Policy

There are no failed states. There is only a failure of our
international system. Yet we persist in speaking of institutional and
economic collapse, social discord, and the turmoil associated with
dwindling resources as though they existed somehow separate from the
world, as though calamity somewhere were not of consequence
everywhere.

This is old think. Very old think: Westphalian nation-state nonsense
that evokes a 17th-century mentality in which words like "foreign,"
"border," "us," and "them" meant something very different. But as we
have seen during this 350-year nation-state experiment, this old think
doesn't simply divvy up the world into manageable chunks -- it also
endows countries with the profound and fundamental right to be
selfish. As much as it says, "Our business is our own," it also says,
"We have the right not to care about others, to pretend they don't
exist, to look away when they are in distress or torment or at war
with one another."

It is true that within each country's borders, different views exist
of the obligations of individual citizens to one another, of provinces
and cities to their neighbors, of the large and small private entities
in the polity -- corporations, churches, and other institutions -- to
society as a whole. Some countries elevate and value community. Some
serve the state to the detriment of individual people. And some, like
the United States, celebrate individuality to a fault. At least some
Americans do, seeing the responsibilities manifest in the actions,
sinews, laws, and regulations of government as overreach, an
encroachment.

Americans celebrate this independent spirit. Their market ideology is
more Charles Darwin than Adam Smith, suggesting somehow that if we
value the survival of the fittest, then the casualties of the weak are
merely part of nature's grand equation. Even those who don't embrace
the most extreme aspects of this frontier fuck-you-ism at home almost
certainly do abroad. It is a great American tradition. From George
Washington's farewell admonition to avoid foreign entanglements to the
isolationism that is by far America's greatest and longest-lasting
international policy impulse -- the same inclination that had only 17
percent of Americans in favor of getting involved in the war in Europe
even as it raged in the middle of 1940 -- the view of this great
nation has more often than not been that the world's problems are not
its own.

Sure, Americans went off and fought two world wars. The United States
has intervened throughout the past century in every corner of the
globe and has put troops on every habitable continent at one time or
another. But not only has it done so selectively -- it has helped
create international institutions that are only capable of doing so
selectively. In the wake of World War II, the United States helped
make an international system that had two main purposes: to create the
illusion of having one and to help advance U.S. interests. The
system's institutions by design are weak, toothless, and possessed of
only limited resources.

This approach has clearly failed. Today the greatest problems we face
are almost universally the global calamities that demand strong
international mechanisms and a global sense of community that do not
exist and are anathema to the selfish spirit that was the great
contribution of the Peace of Westphalia: global warming, the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, the cancer of failed and
failing states that destabilize their neighbors, spreading refugees
and unrest across borders.

This is not abstract. These are the issues of today's headlines. This
year, scientists noted that atmospheric carbon dioxide had passed the
"red line" daily threshold of 400 parts per million. Syria appears to
have passed U.S. President Barack Obama's "red line" threshold of
using chemical weapons, and Iran continues, despite the most
sophisticated sanctions regime ever conceived, to edge closer to
crossing the "red line" of gaining a nuclear weapons capability. In
Syria, in parts of Libya, in Mali, and across much of sub-Saharan
Africa, failed states and regions fester and promise only conflicts
that will deepen and seep across regions like the blood that spills in
each daily.

In each instance, we see that the greatest problems facing failed
states and more pernicious, pervasive international failures are not
somehow endemic to isolated places on the globe. For example, global
warming and nuclear weapons proliferation have clear global
consequences. But so too would 10 more years of war in Syria, of
millions of refugees pouring into places like Turkey and Jordan and
Lebanon, of extremist groups establishing themselves as they have in
Mali and as they wish to in Syria and northern Nigeria.

In each instance, our narcissistic, head-in-the-sand nation-statism is
putting us at risk. Our unwillingness to recognize that our lack of
strong international institutions, be they global organizations or
multilateral alliances, formal ones or ad hoc efforts, is doing us in.
We need the ability to effectively punish states and others that fail
to protect or that actively harm the environment, or that make the
world more dangerous. We need to endow those organizations with the
resources they need and with the sovereign powers we have guarded so
jealously that we've actually undercut them. In our zeal to protect
national prerogatives, we have made a more dangerous, fragile world --
one from which no single state can protect us.

The problem is made measurably worse by the United States, which used
to, at least periodically, reach out and flex its muscles and extend
its generosity despite its historical isolationism, but which today
seems much less inclined to do so. While book clubs across America
debate whether working moms should lean in, nationally the country
seems to have made the decision to lean away. Getting involved has had
its costs. It has been bungled and abused. And so Americans are
washing their hands of it and retreating behind the country's walls.

Which raises the question: Which are the failed states? The ones so
weak they can't help themselves? Or the ones that are strong enough to
help, yet do not?

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/06/24/leaning_away

END
______________________
John Ashworth

Sudan, South Sudan Advisor

[email protected]

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