The 14-Mile Area

On 3 September 2013, Sudanese President Omar al Bashir and South Sudanese
President Salva Kiir concluded a summit meeting in Addis Ababa by
committing—yet again—to demilitarize the border area between their two
countries. Central to the creation of a Safe Demilitarized Border Zone
(SDBZ) is the 14-Mile Area, located between Northern Bahr el Ghazal and
East Darfur. Almost a month after the summit meeting, the area remains
heavily militarized, and political tension is high, with figures in both
the East Darfur provincial government and the Rizeigat leadership warning
of war if the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) does not withdraw their
forces from the area.

The 14-Mile Area is principally occupied by the Malual Dinka. The
Rizeigat—the largest cattle owning group in East Darfur—annually come south
to graze their livestock around the River Kiir. Disputes over grazing land
were frequent at the beginning of the 20th century. In 1918, in an attempt
to dampen these clashes, Patrick Munro, the British colonial governor of
Darfur, created a new grazing boundary for the Rizeigat, some 40 mile south
of the Kiir. Following vociferous complaints from the Malual Dinka, in 1924
a compromise was agreed between Munro and Mervyn Wheatley, the governor of
Bahr el Ghazal, which created a zone of Rizeigat grazing that extended to a
line 14 miles south of the River Kiir. This line is known today as the
Munro-Wheatley line, and the zone that it demarcates is referred to as the
14-Mile Area.

In the 27 September 2012 security agreement, signed with much fanfare in
Addis Ababa, the 14-Mile Area was a belated addition to a map created by
the African Union High-Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP), which laid out
the extent of the SDBZ. It was added to the map at the insistence of the
Government of Sudan (GoS), which claimed that to not include this area
within the SDBZ would be to concede Sudanese territory to South Sudan.

This claim is not in line with the 27 September 2012 borders agreement,
which states that the SDBZ is a temporary zone, which has no effect on the
ongoing negotiations over the final status of the border. Part of the
reason the GoS can make such claims is because the 14-Mile Area contains a
range of different types of areas, and so there is widespread confusion as
to what a SDBZ entails. The Munro-Wheatley line was intended to mark out an
area for Rizeigat grazing, not an absolute territorial border, and even
within this zone, there were areas where the Malual Dinka had grazing
rights, and areas in which both groups shared usage rights.

Since 2005, and the end of the second civil war, the 14-Mile Area has
remained an area of shared grazing rights, but both the Malual Dinka and
the Rizeigat also now make maximal claims to the territory. The former
argue that their land extends north of the River Kiir, up to Meiram, and
that this area should be part of South Sudan. The Rizeigat claim that their
territory extends 14 miles south of the River Kiir. Since South Sudanese
independence, these claims have intensified, as both groups fear that a
national boundary will deprive them of vital grazing land, and so maximize
their claims to territory. These claims are largely reflected in the
stances of the two governments. Since 2005, there has been no progress on
the final location of the border, despite a series of negotiations, and
there is little chance of an agreement on the final Northern Bahr el
Ghazal-East Darfur border in the foreseeable future.

The 14-Mile Area—in addition to being a grazing area and an arena for
political claims—is now also supposed to be a demilitarized zone, monitored
by a Joint Border Verification and Monitoring Mechanism (JBVMM), to be
composed of international observers from the United Nations Interim
Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA), and representatives of both countries.
Within this area, ‘join tribal mechanisms’ are supposed to resolve
disputes.

The Malual Dinka greeted the signing of the agreements with harsh and
public criticism, holding protests in Aweil and Juba. This discontent was
mirrored at the state level, with an October statement by the governor of
Northern Bahr el Ghazal, Paul Malong Awan, thanking the Malual Dinka for
refusing to allow the SDBZ to exist in ‘their ancestral land.’

The Malual Dinka feel that the SDBZ will mean abandoning territory that
many have lost relatives defending, both during the second civil war and in
more recent clashes around Kiir Adem from 2011 to 2013. Following South
Sudanese independence, there is also growing nationalism in the border
region, and the sentiment that the Malual Dinka should no longer have to
share land with Northern pastoralists, some of whom pillaged and burned
their way through Northern Bahr el Ghazal during the civil war.

The SPLM in Juba has been at pains to point out that the SDBZ does not
imply that the community’s claim to the 14-Mile Area needs to be abandoned.
However, the Malual Dinka are aware that with no agreement on the final
border between the two countries forthcoming in the foreseeable future, an
SDBZ would mean the absence of SPLA protection in crucial grazing areas for
the community.

In theory, ‘join tribal mechanisms’ should resolve disputes in the 14-Mile
Area. However, since the second civil war, inter-group meetings to arrange
grazing routes have been steadily displaced by the predominance of the
SPLA. Indeed, during the 2011–13 grazing seasons, it was only the
intercession of the SPLA and state-level government that allowed Rizeigat
grazing to continue, such is the level of antipathy felt towards the
northern pastoralists.

Even if ‘joint tribal mechanisms’ managed to deal with grazing routes, it
is uncertain how well they would deal with politically motivated settlers,
in a situation in which it would be very difficult to distinguish Rizeigat
pastoralists from militia members and GoS operatives.

Following a diplomatic intervention by President Salva Kiir, Malual Dinka
opposition to the SDBZ became muted in the months following October 2012.
However, with clashes elsewhere along the border, little was done to create
the SDBZ.

That changed on 8 March 2013, when the two sides signed an implementation
matrix in which both countries pledged to withdraw from the 14-Mile Area by
24 March. On 21 March, the SPLA claimed that it withdrew 3,000 troops from
both Kiir Adem and Warguit, two of the main SPLA bases in the 14-Mile Area.
Almost immediately afterwards, on 25 March, Rizeigat forces attacked Malual
Dinka settlements inside the area, killing three and stealing 200 head of
cattle. The raid confirmed Malual Dinka suspicions about the SDBZ.

The SPLA withdrawal represented something of a coup for the GoS. The SPLA
had occupied Kiir Adem in October 2010, and had subsequently reinforced its
positions in the 14-Mile Area at Kiir Adem, Warguit, and Sumayah. The Sudan
Armed Forces (SAF) has repeatedly used air campaigns to try and dislodge
the SPLA, conducting raids in October and November 2010, and subsequently
subjecting Warguit to an intensive bombing campaign from 12 April to 28 May
2012. SAF continued to bomb these positions in December 2012.

The strategic value of these targets is considerable, as they control
valuable transport routes across the River Kiir and into East Darfur. The
GoS believes they also allow the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) to
move supplies into Sudan from South Sudan. While JEM maintained a presence
in Northern Bahr el Ghazal in 2011–12, there is no evidence, despite the
GoS’ claims, that the Government of the Republic of South Sudan (GRSS) is
supplying weapons to JEM via Kiir Adem.

Nevertheless, the GoS’ primary motivation for signing the 27 September 2012
security agreement, and insisting on a SDBZ that encompassed the 14-Mile
Area, is to break supply links between South Sudan and JEM, together with
its other coalition partners in the Sudan Revolutionary Front.

The SPLA pullout, however, did not encompass the totality of its troops in
the 14-Mile Area. Further, subsequent to the March withdrawals, the SPLA
actually augmented its positions within the area. Satellite imagery show
expanded military forces around Kiir Adem in April, and extensive defensive
positions around Sumayah. This imagery also indicates the presence of
tanks. UN sources report that SPLA troops from Aweil’s 3rd division
redeployed in the 14-Mile Area only two weeks after their withdrawal.

Despite this military presence, following reconnaissance flights on 23–26
March 2013, the JBVMM claimed that the SPLA had left Kiir Adem. In a
subsequent report to the Joint Political and Security Mechanism —the body
responsible for overseeing the security situation along the border—the
UNISFA Force Commander acknowledged that without ground patrols, the JBVMM
could not verify with certainty that the SDBZ is demilitarized. While one
of only two operative JBVMM bases is in Gokk Machar, Northern Bahr el
Ghazal, and just a few kilometres from the 14-Mile Area, the JBVMM is
waiting on the deployment of peacekeepers to protect its patrols, which
could take several more months. In the meantime, the JBVMM cannot verify
the SDBZ is demilitarized.

The first real test of the SDBZ should emerge between December 2013 and
January 2014. By then, the rains that left 3,000 displaced at the end of
August in Northern Bahr el Ghazal will have subsided, the JBVMM and its
force protection should have deployed, and the Rizeigat will be due to make
their annual migration into the territory. This will be a serious test of
the ‘joint tribal mechanisms.’

The 2012–13 grazing season was marked by serious inter-tribal tension. In
March 2013, some 50,000 pastoralists found themselves trapped after the
SPLA blocked their passage into South Sudan. A migration conference held in
Aweil on 20–22 March attempted to overcome these problems. The Malual Dinka
and Rizeigat agreed that a joint peace committee would be established, and
the Rizeigat would graze unarmed in South Sudan. However, as the Small Arms
Survey set out in a recent working paper, these agreements have been made,
and subsequently violated, every year since 2005. In the last two years,
there have also been clashes between the two groups, with at least some
element of the Rizeigat entering South Sudan armed, in violation of the
grazing agreements.

These tensions have intensified in recent months. On 29 August, Mahmoud
Musa Madibo, one of the Rizeigat leaders, said that the Rizeigat would
enter Samaha before the end of negotiations over the final border between
Sudan and South Sudan, and claimed that the 14-Mile Area is Rizeigat
territory. On 11 September, the governor of East Darfur, Mohammed Hamid
Fadlalla, warned of war if the SPLA did not withdraw from the 14-Mile Area.

Updated 27 September 2013

-- 
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups 
"South Sudan Info - The Kob" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email 
to [email protected].
To post to this group, send email to [email protected].
To view this discussion on the web visit 
https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/SouthSudanKob/CAJb14oqoBVO1G%3DwWifuo%3Ds2yFMnb5nJMkMwbVmRGFaxOXfvCLQ%40mail.gmail.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/groups/opt_out.

Reply via email to