ICC Accused of Failing Kenyan Courts
 Defenders of Hague court point out that it does not have a mandate to
support local justice systems.
 By Joseph Akwiri <http://iwpr.net/people/josephakwiri>  - International
Justice - ICC <http://iwpr.net/programme/international-justice-icc>
  ACR Issue 375 <http://iwpr.net/report-news/acr-issue-375>,
 17 Dec 13

After senior Kenyan officials accused the International Criminal Court
(ICC) of doing too little to help the national courts improve, legal
experts said that was not its job, and in any case the local judiciary had
not been receptive to change.

Kenyan attorney general Githu Muigai claimed last month that the ICC had
done “nothing in return” to help the state prosecute low- and mid-level
perpetrators of the mass violence that followed a disputed presidential
election in December 2007.

Muigai was speaking at the annual meeting of 122 states that back the ICC,
known as the Assembly of States Parties.

The ICC has charged three individuals in Kenya, including President Uhuru
Kenyatta and Deputy President William Ruto, with orchestrating the 2007-08
violence. The trial of Ruto and journalist Joshua Arap Sang started in
September, while Kenyatta’s trial is scheduled to start on February 5, 2014.

These cases stem from the ICC’s decision in 2010 to launch an investigation
into Kenya. While Hague prosecutors focused on a small number of high-level
suspects, there was an expectation that many more would be tried by the
national judiciary.

Furthermore, there is provision for the ICC to help local court systems
improve to a point where they would be able to prosecute similar crimes
occurring in the future.

This principle, known as “positive complementarity”, has been part of the
mandate of other international tribunals like the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, (ICTY) and the International Criminal
Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). Both of these have given a great deal of
support to domestic courts in the countries concerned, allowing future
cases of international-scale crimes – war crimes, crimes against humanity,
and genocide – to be prosecuted locally.

Prosecutors from the former Yugoslav states have worked in the ICTY
prosecutor’s office in The Hague and taken valuable expertise back home.
Rwanda’s domestic courts also received a boost via the ICTR, based in the
Tanzanian town of Arusha.

“Compare the ICC and the ICTR in Rwanda,” Kenya’s Director of Public
Prosecutions (DPP), Keriako Tobiko, told the November 20-28 ASP conference.
“Rwanda is now able to prosecute genocide suspects because they were
assisted to build their legal and institutional framework. ICC has done
zero in Kenya in that regard, yet that is among the things we would demand
and expect from the court.”

Legal experts, however, say that unlike those other courts, the ICC does
not have an official mandate to provide this kind of support.

James Stewart, deputy prosecutor at the ICC, acknowledged that the court
had done little in this regard in Kenya, but said this was not what the ICC
is for.

“We don’t have a budget for it, and we are told by those who fund us – in
this case the Assembly of States Parties – to stay within our mandate,”
Stewart told IWPR. “However, we find ourselves on different occasions
working very closely with national authorities to encourage them to take
action, and we are prepared to share expertise and experience with local
prosecutors and police.”

Aside from the ICC’s restricted mandate, experts on international justice
point out that Kenya has to date demonstrated little appetite for
conducting prosecutions of lower and mid-level perpetrators of the 2007-08
violence. This, they say, makes it very difficult for the ICC to provide
even informal support if it senses a lack of political will in the country.

Njonjo Mue, a Kenyan lawyer and an expert on transitional justice, told
IWPR that the lack of progress on prosecutions at national level has given
the ICC little reason to invest in improving the country’s judicial system.

Rather than making genuine efforts to prosecute suspects, he said, the
Kenyan authorities had focused on “bashing” and “mud-smearing” the ICC.

“Building such local capacity is not mandatory, it’s not a mandate of the
ICC, but the court may feel encouraged to help if Kenya was showing
interest – by for instance showing true and genuine willingness to
prosecute the middle and low-level perpetrators, and also cooperate with
the ICC [in the cases against Kenyatta, Ruto and Sang],” Mue said. “But
that has not been coming out clearly.”

Prosecutors in The Hague have repeatedly voiced concerns that the Kenyan
government is not cooperating sufficiently with ICC investigations.

In the latest example, the Office of the Prosecutor wrote to judges on
December 2 informing them that the Kenyan government had failed to hand
over Kenyatta’s financial records as it requested as far back as April
2012. It asked judges to rule that Kenya had failed to meet its obligations
to the court.

“The net effect of the [government’s] inaction has been to limit the body
of evidence available to the chamber, hindering its fact-finding function
and ability to determine the truth,” Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda said in the
submission.

The Kenyan government has denied allegations that it is uncooperative.
Tobiko told IWPR that he had provided a substantial amount of evidence to
ICC prosecutors.

“I also opened all these files to officials from the prosecutor’s office
who camped in my office for days, combing through them,” Tobiko said. “This
still is not cooperation enough, according to the ICC. They have done very
little – in fact nothing – in return to assist the Kenyan domestic
institutions and agencies to build their capacities.

“Complementarity is supposed to be a two-way traffic, but in our case, it
appears like a one-way street.”

The government also cites cases where suspects have faced justice for the
electoral violence. In February 2012, Tobiko established a task force to
examine more than 5,000 criminal cases. Of that number, the DPP reported
earlier this month that 1,000 had been prosecuted, resulting in 500
convictions.

The DPP’s office has said previously that the vast majority of criminal
cases lacked enough evidence to be sent to court. No measures have been
taken to re-investigate these cases.

Speaking at the ASP meeting, Reverend Samuel Kobia, the head of Kenya’s
Judicial Service Commission, acknowledged that the number of prosecutions
had been “very, very few indeed”.

If the government had made credible efforts to prosecute suspects locally,
it could have ensured that Kenyatta, Ruto and Sang went on trial in Kenya
rather than in The Hague. Furthermore, if it had acted early enough, the
ICC would not have launched its investigation in the first place. The ICC
prosecutor gave Kenya the option of setting up a local tribunal, rather
than relying on the ICC, but the country’s parliament twice rejected the
proposal.

Experts like David Donat Cattin, director of the non-government group
Parliamentarians for Global Action, point out that if Kenya had made a real
effort to pursue its own prosecutions, it would have more of a right to
demand ICC support.

“Complementarity is about ending impunity for the crimes in question and
Kenya didn’t do it for many years,” Donat Cattin said. “Now they are saying
they are doing it, but where are the proceedings? Where are the trials?”

In May 2012 Kenya’s Judicial Service Commission embarked on plans to set up
a special division of Kenya’s High Court to try international crimes. The
division, known as the International Crimes Division (ICD), would put into
effect the International Crimes Act, 2009, which enables Kenya to prosecute
war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.

But the ICD has not yet been set up, and even when that happens, it is
still unclear whether it will be used to prosecute cases stemming from the
2007-08 violence.

Experts agree that once the ICD is operational and in a position to carry
out credible investigations and prosecutions, the ICC might consider
stepping in to help.

“The big question is whether the ICD will be able to independently and
credibly function without [political] interference, as we know of Kenya,”
Mue said. “If that happens, I don’t think the ICC would have a problem
lending a hand at the appropriate time. All Kenya needs is to demonstrate
willingness.”


*Joseph Akwiri is a freelance reporter in Mombasa. *


*This article was produced as part of a media development programme
implemented by IWPR and Wayamo Communication Foundation. *
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