How South Sudanese negotiations among the warring parties can be futile
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By Steve Paterno
December 27, 2013 - Ever since the conflict broke out in South Sudan
two weeks ago, there have been array of shuttle diplomacy in Juba led
by IGAD members and supported by other regional and international
agencies and players to assist in restoring peace. At the heart of the
conflict is a political rivalry within the ruling SPLM party, which
eventually escalated into firefight dangerously aligned along ethnic
divide that quickly engulfed the entire nation, with death toll
mounting, displacement of thousands and damage of properties.
The consultative efforts of the mediators are yet to materialize into
concrete framework in achieving real peace and the expedient the
process, the better, so as lives are immediately saved, properties
protected and further escalation of the conflict prevented, with
permanent political settlement achieved. This process must at best
entail immediate cessation of hostilities, protection of livelihood,
access to humanitarian assistance, full commitments of the parties
involved, permanent political settlement, administering of justice and
accountability among others.
The deterioration of security situation as a result of this conflict
already underscored the urgency for ceasing fire. However, to stop the
fight can otherwise prove difficult than simply stated in paper. This
is going to require an enforcement mechanism in place to ensure
implementation of any agreed upon ceasefire. The additional deployment
of international peace keepers, which is already on the table to
supplement the implementation of such a ceasefire is a plus,
particularly in ensuring access to humanitarian assistance.
Nevertheless, as we have already known, the presence of peace keepers
perse will not necessarily prevent the aggression of some of these
ruthless fighters such as in the case of Akobo (Jongolei State), where
innocent civilians, included peace keepers themselves were dragged out
of the UN compound and then bludgeoned to death.
Another challenge that can further complicate any effort to ceasefire
is the variety of nature of the fighting groups. Thus far, the
fighting groups paint a picture of individuals with diversified
interests. For example, the group in Juba who triggered the fight on
December 15, seems to be directly or indirectly under the influence of
Riek Machar and his ambition to forcefully wrestle power. The reprisal
that, therefore, followed in Juba against the members of ethnic Nuers,
were to have been carried out exclusively by alleged personal militias
of President Salva Kiir, who were not even answerable to South
Sudanese military chain of command. The subsequent allegations and
rumors of Nuers’ massacres in Juba further sparked spontaneous
reactions of the Nuers throughout. Case in point is with Gen. Peter
Gadet who was in charged of SPLA division 8 in Jongolie state and on
December 18, rebelled against the government and embarked on revenge
spree. Up to now, there is no definitive evidence as to whether the
infamous defector Gen. Peter Gadet is acting on behest of power hungry
Riek Machar or he was simply acting on his own accord as he has done
numerous times. Also in a case of Unity State, where another Nuer
renegade general, James Koang took over control of Bentiu and declared
himself as the governor of the oil rich state, we are yet presented
with another different characteristic of this war. The case of
fighting in Bentiu suggests more of a rivalry among the Nuers to exert
dominance over the oil rich state. This is similarly the case with the
fighting in Malakal (Upper Nile State), which mimics the participation
of the so called White Army, a loosely armed and civilian group,
driven rather by adrenaline and no political agenda.
The pertinent question then: how many rebel forces does Riek Machar
has command and control over? Thus far, Riek Machar has been missing
in action, even though from time to time he issues media reports,
claiming to be in charge of all these various fighting forces. The
fact that Riek Machar declared his peace delegation to be led by a
government prisoner, Pagan Amum, betrays as to how much military
power, political influence and leverage Riek Machar has in order for
the government to reckon with him. Machar calls for the conditional
release of the political prisoners not only demonstrates his naivete,
but also portrays his weak stand against the government he vows to
overthrow militarily.
First of all, among these detained prisoners are unlikely allies of
Riek Machar. For example, prisoner Pagan Amum who Machar named as his
head of peace delegation along with Rebecca Nyandeng are individuals
with high ambitions, vying for the same seat that Machar is aspiring
for, the chairmanship of SPLM and ultimately the presidency of South
Sudan. The group were soundly defeated in SPLM National Liberation
Council convention on December 14 through 15, which left them to
resort into military take over of the leadership.
Beside, through the USA Envoy, who just visited the detained group in
Juba, they denounced violence as a means for political transformation
as oppose to Machar who still clings into a military solution, which
he is quickly losing. In essence, Riek Machar already shown a
divergence departure with those detained prisoners allied to him.
Therefore, this leaves the government with a lot of options to deal
with the situation in its favor. For one, the government can wait it
out and not rush to any negotiation so as to crash the rebellion
militarily. The government has already an upper hand with the success
of recapturing of Bor and repulsion of the rebels in Malakal. For the
government, one theater of operation remains, the town of Bentiu.
Alternatively, the government can also uses its magic, which has been
successfully thus far, the amnesty, to lure the rebellious commanders
back into fold and isolate politicians like Riek Machar and the group
in the cold.
So, it is going to be very challenging for the mediators to figure out
who really to negotiate with and how cohesive the group the chose is.
The current assumption is that Riek Machar who is in hiding and very
much on a ran is the defacto leader of the rebellious group. How much
of a power and influence he actually wields is yet to be found. In the
end of all this, there is going to be a need for justice and
accountability, not only to ensure closer to the victims but to also
deter punitive actions by those in power.
Steve Paterno is the author of The Rev. Fr. Saturnino Lohure, A Romain
Catholic Priest Turned Rebel. He can be reached at
[email protected]
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