Op-ed: After M23, it is time to focus on DR Congo's FDLR rebels
Posted by Timo Mueller <http://www.enoughproject.org/blogs/timo-mueller> on
Feb 05, 2014


*Editor's Note: This op-ed originally appeared on The Daily Monitor.
<http://www.monitor.co.ug/OpEd/Commentary/After-M23--it-is-time-to-focus-on-DR-Congo-s-FDLR-rebels/-/689364/2192994/-/qkw6vh/-/index.html>*

In early November, the Congolese army, supported by the United Nations
Force Intervention Brigade, defeated the most powerful rebel group in
eastern Congo - the M23. The brigade has since identified as one of the new
targets, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, or FDLR, a
rebel group led in part by commanders implicated in the 1994 genocide in
neighbouring Rwanda. The new focus may in part be the result of political
overtures toward Rwanda for ending its support to M23, but neutralising the
FDLR is a worthy effort by itself and critical for peace in eastern Congo.

The focus on addressing the FDLR comes at a pivotal moment. Over the last
few weeks, elements of as many as 20 rebel groups across eastern Congo have
either surrendered to the Congolese army or offered to lay down their
weapons. Targeting the FDLR now will likely sustain this momentum, as many
of the surrendering groups sprung up in defiance to the FDLR.

Effectively neutralising the FDLR will require a comprehensive approach
addressing the complexity of the threat and the group's unique traits. An
effective strategy should feature more robust grassroots partnerships to
promote defections together with a mix of targeted and better informed
military operations aimed at the FDLR hardline leadership. As earlier
operations against the FDLR brought great humanitarian fallout, the brigade
must improve civilian protection.

When conducting military operations against the FDLR in conjunction with
the Congolese army, the UN brigade must ensure the Congolese army severs
linkages that have helped FDLR members secure military gear and
intelligence to relocate troops before military offensives. The UN must
also vet Congolese army units for human rights abuses and provide human
rights training. Armed groups have repeatedly been reintegrated into the
national forces without such measures. With little to no payment, in an
environment rife with insecurity, soldiers often use their own weapons to
make ends meet, exposing local populations to grave risks.

The UN brigade should break the potential armed alliances of both their
co-collaborators, the Congolese army, and their target, the FDLR. Most
importantly, targeted military operations against the FDLR must accompany
robust efforts to disarm, demobilise, repatriate (DDR), and reintegrate,
and resettle (RR) FDLR combatants. Contrary to wide-held Congolese
perceptions, many FDLR members were born or grew up in Congo and need a
national-level solution such as nationalisation and relocation. Any DDR/RR
programme must offer long-term support, real security guarantees, and
sustainable livelihood alternatives without inducing others to join rebel
groups to reap the DDR/RR benefits. UN Special Envoy Mary Robinson and US
Special Envoy Russ Feingold should urge Kinshasa to make DDR/RR an
immediate priority.

<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<After M23, it is time to focus on DR Congo's FDLR rebels
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RATING
By Timo Mueller

Posted  Wednesday, February 5  2014 at  02:00

IN SUMMARY

Defeating the FDLR requires a drastically different approach than that
pursued with M23, which while defeated militarily has not been entirely
dissolved. Political and military leaders must factor in the group's unique
military capabilities and sources of support.

In early November, the Congolese army, supported by the United Nations
Force Intervention Brigade, defeated the most powerful rebel group in
eastern Congo - the M23. The brigade has since identified as one of the new
targets, the DemocraticForces for the Liberation of Rwanda, or FDLR, a
rebel group led in part by commanders implicated in the 1994 genocide in
neighbouring Rwanda. The new focus may in part be the result of political
overtures toward Rwanda for ending its support to M23, but neutralising the
FDLR is a worthy effort by itself and critical for peace in eastern Congo.

The focus on addressing the FDLR comes at a pivotal moment. Over the last
few weeks, elements of as many as 20 rebel groups across eastern Congo have
either surrendered to the Congolese army or offered to lay down their
weapons. Targeting the FDLR now will likely sustain this momentum, as many
of the surrendering groups sprung up in defiance to the FDLR.

Effectively neutralising the FDLR will require a comprehensive approach
addressing the complexity of the threat and the group's unique traits. An
effective strategy should feature more robust grassroots partnerships to
promote defections together with a mix of targeted and better informed
military operations aimed at the FDLR hardline leadership. As earlier
operations against the FDLR brought great humanitarian fallout, the brigade
must improve civilian protection.

When conducting military operations against the FDLR in conjunction with
the Congolese army, the UN brigade must ensure the Congolese army severs
linkages that have helped FDLR members secure military gear and
intelligence to relocate troops before military offensives. The UN must
also vet Congolese army units for human rights abuses and provide human
rights training. Armed groups have repeatedly been reintegrated into the
national forces without such measures. With little to no payment, in an
environment rife with insecurity, soldiers often use their own weapons to
make ends meet, exposing local populations to grave risks.

The UN brigade should break the potential armed alliances of both their
co-collaborators, the Congolese army, and their target, the FDLR. Most
importantly, targeted military operations against the FDLR must accompany
robust efforts to disarm, demobilise, repatriate (DDR), and reintegrate,
and resettle (RR) FDLR combatants. Contrary to wide-held Congolese
perceptions, many FDLR members were born or grew up in Congo and need a
national-level solution such as nationalisation and relocation. Any DDR/RR
programme must offer long-term support, real security guarantees, and
sustainable livelihood alternatives without inducing others to join rebel
groups to reap the DDR/RR benefits. UN Special Envoy Mary Robinson and US
Special Envoy Russ Feingold should urge Kinshasa to make DDR/RR an
immediate priority.

To further facilitate defections, MONUSCO could pursue direct negotiations
with moderate FDLR commanders and establish more safe reporting sites in
areas accessible to FDLR combatants to assuage defectors' fears of reprisal
attacks. Rwanda's assistance in defection efforts is also pivotal. Kigali
must make public a shorter and more realistic list of FDLR members it
wishes to prosecute for genocide. Defectors who repatriate to Rwanda also
deserve better post-repatriation treatment.

Existing DDR/RR initiatives for armed groups need broader sensitisation
campaigns and greater coordination with intermediaries that offer
considerable local knowledge. Albeit weakened, the FDLR remains resilient
and capable of rebuilding; it could also pose a greater danger to the local
population in acting out of fear for its survival. Drawing on a network of
local support systems and illicitly exploiting natural resources including
gold, the FDLR uses sophisticated guerilla tactics and has the ability to
break into small groups to blend in with the population. Contrary to M23,
the FDLR factions do not control one main territory but operate in several
remote areas deep in the bush that they know very well. Going after the
FDLR presents a formidable challenge that must not be underestimated.

Defeating the FDLR requires a drastically different approach than that
pursued with M23, which while defeated militarily has not been entirely
dissolved. Political and military leaders must factor in the group's unique
military capabilities and sources of support when considering how to target
the FDLR while also minimising civilian casualties and preventing
retaliatory attacks.

Mr Mueller is a field researcher for the Enough Project, an initiative of
the Center for American Progress. He is based in Goma, eastern DRC.

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