Puntland's Boundary Issues: What Will Abdiweli Gas's Call for Unity Really
Mean?

13 February 2014 by Africa Program Staff

*By Cedric Barnes @CedricHoA <https://twitter.com/CedricHoA> and Zakaria
Yusuf*

*Additional research by Abdullahi Abdille.*

Puntland's new president, Abdiweli Gas, was a prominent mourner in
Mogadishu last week at the graveside of Abdirizak Haji Hussein, a former
prime minister of Somalia (1964-67). It was Abdiweli's first visit to the
national capital since his election on 8 January, though he had previously
served as a minister (2010-11) and prime minister (2011-2012) in the then
Transitional Federal Government of Somalia (TFG). The twitter account of
the newly established Somalia Federal Government (SFG) presidency
(@theVillaSomalia) hailed the late Abdirizak as a "lion and patriot of
Somalia" and highlighted his contribution to "national unity". The wording
will not be lost on Abdiweli Gas. Not only is he of the same lineage and
region as the late Abdirizak, but he also now leads the regional state
authority that has done the most to promote federalism in Somalia -which,
for many Somalis, has dug the grave for national unity.

Abdiweli's election - by 66 members of parliament selected by councils of
clan elders - was peaceful, but he won by the narrowest of margins (33 to
32, with one invalid ballot) and inherits a politically divided and
economically weak state. Moreover, as a diaspora politician, originally
parachuted into the TFG in Mogadishu, Abdiweli has to prove his commitment
to Puntland and beat back any impression that he wants merely to use the
Puntland post as a platform to run for Somalia's presidency. (He already
made one failed bid in August 2012.)

The new president's initial pronouncements have been encouraging, focused
on the immediate task of getting Puntland government to work - not least in
terms of public financial management, a big concern for donors. He has also
made public commitments to restart the democratisation process abandoned -
probably with justification - at the eleventh hour by his predecessor,
Abdirahman Farole, in July 2012. (See our Dec. 2013 report *Puntland's
Punted Polls
<http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/horn-of-africa/somalia/b097-somalia-puntland-s-punted-polls.aspx>.*
)

Further, he has made it clear that he wants to heal divisions within
Puntland that have festered for many years. (See our 2009 report The
Trouble with 
Puntland<http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/horn-of-africa/somalia/B064-somalia-the-trouble-with-puntland.aspx>.)
In his first speech to parliament on 4 February he said, "Puntland's unity
is paramount and sacred and can only come when all Puntland land comes back
to the hands of the government" and called for a Puntland-wide
reconciliation conference. Laudable aims indeed (and reflective of previous
Crisis Group recommendations), but they should be viewed with some
important caveats.

Talk of unity implies the cohesion of the Harti-Darood clan-family, whose
local distribution in north-east Somalia is also the basic territorial
expression of the Puntland state. Bringing back "all of Puntland to the
hands of the government" also means the Harti-Darood-inhabited provinces of
Sool, Sanag and Ayn, which the self-declared republic of Somaliland also
claims (see map). Since 2004, Somaliland and Puntland armed forces have
periodically clashed over these districts; more recently, local militias -
associated with the self-declared Khatumo state and based on one sub-clan
of the Harti-Darood, the Dhulbahante - have put up resistance to the
intrusion of both the Somaliland and Puntland forces.

[image: 
puntland-blog]<http://www.crisisgroupblogs.org/africanpeacebuilding/files/2014/02/puntland-blog.png>

The Dhulbahante clan and Khatumo were critical issues in Puntland's
presidential election; Abdiweli has subsequently appointed two ex-Khatumo
leaders as ministers in his new government.

It is certain that Somaliland's own presidential and parliamentary
election, scheduled for 2015, will embroil these same borderlands, both as
an all-Somaliland issue and in the competition for clan votes. Concessions
for oil exploration in these areas, granted by both Somaliland and Puntland
governments (and whose authority to do so the SFG firmly rejects), will
only increase the tension.

Welcome though Abdiweli Gas's peaceful election is, and as sound as his
priorities are for his new, 47-member cabinet, his calls for Puntland's
"paramount and sacred" unity need closer attention. In common with all
Somalia's national politicians - including secessionist Somalilanders - he
still needs to appeal to his wider clan constituency to gain political
momentum. Abdiweli must realise that challenging Somaliland's territorial
claims is no panacea for Puntland's internal clan divisions, just as
Somaliland must acknowledge that it cannot rule its eastern borderlands
with an army perceived as an occupying clan. Marginal though the
Somaliland-Puntland dispute may seem, it is in precisely these disputed
gaps in Somalia's governance that wider progress can be lost to violence
and an extremist group like Al-Shabaab can find its opening

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