South Sudan violence leaves donors disillusioned
The country's descent into ethnic warfare, less than three years after it
won independence, have many questioning the wisdom of spending billions to
help it.
 02 March 2014
 Wounded civilians in the on-going conflict in South Sudan. [AFP photo]

By Robyn Dixon

*March 1, 2014, 6:10 a.m. JUBA, South Sudan --* South Sudan was one of the
most ambitious state-building projects that global donors have ever
undertaken: Take a newly minted, resource-rich country with some of the
world's worst poverty, health and education problems, pour in aid,
assistance and diplomatic advice and hope for the best.

Instead, the African nation descended into ethnic warfare and chaos in
December, less than three years after it won independence. Some now
question the wisdom of the U.S. and others in pouring billions of dollars
into a place long-racked by staggering corruption, poor governance and
ethnic violence.

Some analysts say international donors were so tied up in humanitarian
projects and development that they overlooked the corruption and dangerous
ethnic divides in the ruling party and army.

Sara Pantuliano, analyst at the Overseas Development Institute, a
London-based think tank, said many falsely assumed that enough development,
improved services and access to food would lead to lasting peace.

Despite vast riches in oil, South Sudan's problems never abated nor,
critics say, has its government shown an inclination to deliver healthcare
and education, which have essentially been outsourced for years to Western
donors.

"They have to have the political will to do something for their own
people," a frustrated Western diplomat in Juba said recently. "It's
important that we help the government to understand that their primary
responsibility is services for people, and their protection, and that
should not be contracted out."

The U.S. provides about $600 million annually, but lawmakers at a January
hearing of the House Foreign Affairs Committee expressed frustration and
anger over the issue.

Intense American engagement in South Sudan's struggle was key to its
gaining independence, but disillusionment has set in, with some analysts
suggesting the U.S. will be reluctant to plunge into such projects again,
especially with the results so uncertain.

The ethnic fighting has dashed donor confidence in the ruling party
politicians who unleashed the violence, which has left an estimated 10,000
people dead and 800,000 displaced.

"It appears that the greatest threat to South Sudan post-independence is
South Sudan itself," said Rep. Ed Royce (R-Fullerton), chairman of the
House committee at the hearing.

But analysts also ask why international powers didn't do more as the
struggle in the ruling Sudan People's Liberation Movement spun increasingly
out of control last year.

In theory, things should have gotten better after a 2005 peace deal with
Sudan that ended a 22-year civil war. Under the arrangement with the
Sudanese government in Khartoum, South Sudan got half of the oil revenue.
But more than half of its share was gobbled up by defense costs and by the
salaries of an army bloated by rebels incorporated into the Sudanese
People's Liberation Army in previous peace deals.

Moreover, at least $4 billion was stolen, according to President Salva
Kiir, and more was squandered on officials' perks, such as fancy cars and
$300-a-night hotel accommodations in Juba, the capital, government
officials and their families, for years on end.

After independence, South Sudan's oil revenue increased sharply, but seven
months later, Kiir abruptly shut down oil production in a dispute with
Sudan over transit fees. It was seen as a costly move. The loss of the
resource that provided 98% of the government's revenue lasted 14 months.

The government borrowed millions of dollars from foreign banks to pay its
soldiers, knowing that healthcare, education and humanitarian services
would be provided by donors and aid agencies.

"It's hard for foreigners to say we are not going to step in, if the
government doesn't do it. That's the dilemma," said the diplomat, who asked
not to be named because he was not authorized to comment.

Even if peace is restored, diplomats say, South Sudan's credibility is
likely to remain deeply damaged. The cost to South Sudan is immense, as
fighting has deterred foreign investors, the International Monetary Fund
and the World Bank.

"I think when things do calm down on the military side, it's not going to
be business as usual. They're really starting from scratch, I think, in
terms of credibility and security of investors," the diplomat said.

Peace talks between President Kiir and his rival, Riek Machar, have stalled.

The root of the recent fighting came more than a year ago when Machar, the
deputy president, and other prominent government figures announced that
they would run against Kiir for the country's leadership. Kiir sacked them
in July.

The risk of a split in the army and governing party was clear, and in
December, fighting erupted between forces loyal to Kiir, a Dinka, and
Machar, a Lou Nuer, quickly spilling over into ethnic violence.

According to Abraham Awolich of the Sudd Institute, a Juba think tank,
Westerners trying to build South Sudan overlooked the infighting and lack
of democracy in the country's governing Sudanese People's Liberation
Movement.

"No one paid attention to that. The international community has had enough
warnings that the internal processes of the SPLM could be a threat to
peace, and that is where they should have been working," he said.

Toby Lanzer, U.N. humanitarian co-coordinator in South Sudan, dismisses
skeptics who argue that state-building is too difficult. There's no choice
but to act, he said.

"Anybody who believes believe that state-building or nation-building is
fast seems to have overlooked some recent experience in other settings," he
said.

The disillusionment over U.S. state-building in South Sudan, after
difficulties in Iraq and Afghanistan, has some predicting that the U.S.
will scale back such ambitious actions.

State-building missions "tend to be long, difficult, and expensive, with
success demanding an open-ended commitment to a messy, violent, and
confusing endeavor," Michael J. Mazarr wrote in Foreign Affairs journal
last month. Nor is success certain, or even likely, he said.

"When a social order has become maladapted to the globalizing world, when
governing institutions are weak, personalized, or kleptocratic, corruption
is rampant, and the rule of law is noticeable by its absence, there are
simply no proven methods for generating major social, political, economic,
or cultural change relatively quickly," he wrote.

*[email protected]* <[email protected]>

*Los Angeles Times*

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