Somalia's Parallel Armies - By Liban Ahmad
Posted on March 3,
2014<http://africanarguments.org/2014/03/03/somalias-parallel-armies-by-liban-ahmad/>by
AfricanArgumentsEditor<http://africanarguments.org/author/africanargumentseditor/>

Soldiers in the Somali 'National' Army complete their training (UN Photo
Library).

We have read recently that Somalia has a National
Army<http://africanarguments.org/2014/02/26/somali-military-has-more-problems-than-lack-of-guns-by-mohamed-mubarak/>,
but is that really the case? Upon closer scrutiny one realises that Somalia
has parallel armies - 3 of them - which exist independent of each other in
different parts of this increasingly splintered. These are the Somali
National Army, Puntland Defence Forces and the Somaliland Army and each of
them has a separate commander-in-chief.

Recent reports about arms sold to Al Shabaab indicate that the top-down
approach to rebuilding and financing the 'Somali National Army' is
self-defeating. The nation's founding political elites shared the common
goal to form a national army for Somalia, but this is no longer the case.
Somalia now has rebranded clan militias that cannot be integrated into one
force.

Before the state collapsed the Somali Army was not a neutral outfit. It was
part of the military regime's oppressive security apparatus and inspired
opposition leaders to form armed, clan-based organisations to topple the
regime. The three Somali 'armies' belong to the Hawiye, Dir and Darod
- three of the of the five major clans in Somalia. In addition, there are
powerful paramilitaries such as the Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama'a, Raskambooni as
well as Al Shabaab's militias.

There is little the international community can do to help Somalis
integrate those three armies. The political leaders of the armies'
respective clans do not trust each other - Somaliland has been managing its
own affairs for more than 21 years, whereas Puntland has been in existence
as a semi-autonomous state since 1998. Their forces are better organised
and more disciplined than the Mogadishu-based Somali Army. What makes
integration more difficult is the opposing political aims of each army's
constituency. The Mogadishu political elite want the capital to become a
melting-pot and to be the centre of the country once again. But Puntland
and Somaliland's own elites are not eager to resurrect the peripheral
status to which their regions were confined  before 1991.

Somalis associate the army with a history of suppression and regard it as
the least patriotic national organisation. But each clan's influential
members, rather than becoming victims of a future national army, have
chosen to form an army for 'the clan'.   This trend was foreseeable
following the formation of armed opposition groups along clan lines. Former
opposition leaders had made it clear was that 'clan might' is the most
reliable protection against the excesses of a national army.

What we see in Somalia today is reminiscent of the political atmosphere in
1994. Then, having a clan militia was a major criteria to attend
reconciliation conferences. Now having a clan army is the road to clan
influence.

In the absence of genuine political reconciliation, efforts to rebuild the
Somali Army will keep Somalis further apart. The civil war has caused what
I term 'identity demotion': clan identity has trumped citizenship. It has
been a costly and deadly decision to return to tradition in the vain hope
of coming back to modernity. Somalia's parallel armies are one outcome of
that trend.
*Liban Ahmad is a Somali writer based in London.*

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