Angola: The Mount Sumi massacre – an atrocity that will come to define
the new country – By Simon Allison
Posted on May 28, 2015 by AfricanArgumentsEditor        

Allison_SimonOn the anniversary of its bloodiest day, Angola is
reeling from yet another massacre of civilians by the state. The
government would like to the world to forget what happened on Mount
Sumi on 16 April this year, just as it covered up for decades the tens
of thousands who died on 27 May 1977, and those slaughtered in the
Halloween Massacre in 1992. This time, however, information isn’t
quite so easy to control – and nor are the consequences.

***

In Angola, 27 May 1977 is not just a date. If Angolans are brave
enough to mention vinte e sete, the 27th, they whisper it, and even
this could be considered a subversive political act. It has become a
powerful symbol: of brutality, of oppression, of a state that 38 years
later is still actively covering up the events of that day, even as it
adds new atrocities to an already-lengthy list.

It’s also a none-too-subtle warning. “27 de Maio serves as a powerful
cautionary tale: one that parents use to keep their children from
protesting or getting involved in politics at all (opposition
politics, that is), warning that it will bring ruin and death,” wrote
historian Marissa Moorman. “It has been responsible for untold amounts
of self-censorship. This fear is politically useful to the MPLA.”

So what happened on that day? For many years, this was carefully
shrouded in mystery – and, if the ruling Popular Movement for the
Liberation of Angola (MPLA) had its way, it still would be. But we
know more now. A faction within the ruling party sought to seize
leadership, but failed, and the party’s response was brutality on an
unimaginable scale. All told, estimates suggest that the bloodbath
that began on 27 May claimed the lives of between 12,000 and 80,000
people, mostly civilians, who were slaughtered in one of the single
bloodiest massacres of the 20th century. The cover-up that ensued
means we’ll never know how many actually died.

And it worked: the MPLA top brass eliminated any potential opposition,
consolidating their grip on the levers of power.

“I think for many Angolans, if not all of them, the 27 May represents
the day that the honeymoon of independence ended,” said author Lara
Pawson in an interview with the Daily Maverick. It was Pawson’s
dogged, forensic investigation, published last year in her book In The
Name of the People: Angola’s Forgotten Massacre that exposed the
massacre to the world.

If 27 May 1977 seems like ancient history, then try October 1992, when
thousands of opposition supporters were purged in the interim between
the first and second rounds of the presidential election. Again, the
ruling party was responsible, and did its utmost to bury evidence and
deny culpability.

But Pawson’s Angolan friends are asking her to lift the lid on
another, even more recent massacre. The date to remember – the date
that will, in time, become its own symbol of brutality and oppression
– is 16 April 2015.

Details of what happened are still sketchy, but the basics have
emerged – despite another monumental effort to keep information out of
the public eye. It was a Thursday, and José Kalupeteka and his
3,000-strong flock were gathered in their camp on the hills of Mount
Sumi, in the central Huambo province.

Kalupeteka is a pastor and a gospel singer, and the charismatic leader
of an offshoot of the Seventh Day Adventist Church, known as A Luz do
Mondo, Light of the World. He’s also a thorn in the side of the
Angolan government. It doesn’t quite know what to make of him or his
followers, who don’t fit neatly into any of Angola’s traditional power
structures; and who, increasingly, were resisting the dictates of the
state, albeit mildly (for instance, Kalupeteka refused to allow census
officials into Mount Sumi last year).

Police officers were despatched to Mount Sumi to arrest Kalupeteka on
16 April, but this didn’t go down well with his followers. They
attacked, and between four and nine police officers were killed.

Camped nearby, contingents of the rapid response police force – known
as Ninjas – and the national army were waiting for trouble, and moved
in quickly. According to the government, 13 people, allegedly snipers,
were killed in the armed response (not Kalupeteka himself: he’s in
custody, having sustained severe beatings). According to the main
opposition group, Unita, that number stands at 1,080 civilians who
were shot in cold blood, or hacked to death as they attempted to run
or hide. Allegedly, this number included many women and children.
(It’s worth noting that Huambo province is a Unita stronghold, and
Angolan authorities have tried to depict Kalupeteka as a Unita stooge,
despite reports that he actually fought for the MPLA in the civil
war).

The discrepancy in the reported death toll should be treated with some
suspicion. “It’s interesting how quickly in Angola the figures on
massacres and alleged massacres grow…I found myself thinking this is
just like 27 May, regarding the so-called estimates of the dead which
went from at the time perhaps several hundred, to 2,000-3,000, right
up to 15,000, 25,000, 50,000, and some people saying 80,000-90,000,”
said Pawson.

Nonetheless, testimony received by respected journalists and civil
society actors, coupled with leaked photographs and footage from Mount
Sumi itself, suggest that the government’s claim of only 13 dead is
laughable, with the real figure likely to be in the hundreds.

Confirming anything, however, is almost impossible: the government has
turned the site into a military base and denied access to almost
everyone (when access was granted, to opposition leaders, it was
nearly two weeks later – plenty of time to execute a cover-up).

“Using the state media, the government is imposing its own version of
the story – the only version with nationwide outreach – while
demanding that everyone else provide evidence to the contrary, even
though it is not allowing independent journalists and civil society
members near the site,” said investigative journalist Rafael Marques,
writing in the Guardian. But his sources, including police and
military officers who participated in the raid, tell a very different
story:

“They all told me how pilgrims were mown down indiscriminately, many
of them praying to the end. They all gave accounts of how makeshift
shelters were set alight with people inside. There were also stories
of police officers sparing women and children who escaped down the
mount but were unable to elude the manhunt that ensued. These officers
also told me how they bore witness to the filling of mass graves, dug
by an excavator, in the nearby village of Cuassamba.”

In an interview with Daily Maverick, Marques said the state was still
working to eliminate members of Kalupeteka’s sect. “The main problem
now is not just that the massacre happened. People are being hunted
down for belonging to the sect. I just received information yesterday,
and I’m passing it on to a friend to publish now, that south of Luanda
a police commander refused to take orders from the town mayor to
basically go after the sect and kill them. It hasn’t stopped. People
are being persecuted…persecuted and killed,” he said. [Marques has
faced plenty of state persecution himself, and is currently awaiting
verdict in a show trial in Luanda. Click here for the full Daily
Maverick interview].

There is no doubt that something terrible happened on the slopes of
Mount Sumi. Perhaps even scarier for the rest of Angola’s
long-suffering citizens is what the massacre, and the government’s
response to it, tells us about the Angolan state itself.

“The 27th of May massacre and the 1992 massacres were conducted under
the ‘veil’ of war and instability. The Mount Sumi massacre was
conducted after 13 years of peace. It shows that the government
continues to rely on force to govern, and fear to impose
submission…The massacre reveals the basis with which the state has
been built – on securitisation, impunity and the overriding interests
of the ruling elite. Unfortunately civil society, the media and
opposition parties have not yet managed to capitalise on the poor
governance of the MPLA. Because the war was so brutal the population
have accepted this poor governance because there was peace. However,
the heavy-handed approach of the security and defence forces reveals
just how nervous the government is of the people they rule,” said
Paula Cristina Roque, senior analyst at International Crisis Group.

“Angola is facing serious crossroads: another election in 2017, the
presidential succession issue, the prolonged effect of oil crisis, and
tensions in several key sectors (ex-combatants, urban poor, unemployed
youth). A massacre such as this one can be a catalyst for instability
and the government is doing everything possible to contain it,” Roque
added.

But in the 21st century, this is easier said than done. Social media
is awash with gruesome pictures, and while the massacre has not
received much media coverage, it has attracted the attention of the
United Nations, which has demanded a full investigation from the
government.

Unlike 27 May, Angola will not be allowed to sweep 16 April under the
carpet – and will have to deal with the consequences sooner rather
than later.

Simon Allison is a journalist working for the Daily Maverick where
this piece was previously published.
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