Peace-making & the Vague Modality of maintaining durable peace in
post-conflict Societies: The case of South Sudan
May. 28 More Views, Uncategorized 1 comment     

By Tong Kot Kuocnin, Lawyer, JUBA, MAY/28/2015, SSN;

Peace-making accomplished through international intervention has had
little success in achieving sustainable and durable peace not only in
South Sudan but in many war ravaged societies.

In December 2013, south Sudan slipped back into chaos and despair,
turning nine years of the internationally concluded famous
Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the adversaries ending the
longest destructive war in Africa’s largest country, the Republic of
Sudan, in Nairobi,
Kenya, in 2005, robbing the state building efforts to dust.

South Sudan is currently again at its second round of regional and
international intervention since returning to military confrontations
in December 2013 following disagreement over manner and procedure of
how party’s elections rules and regulations should be enacted,
immersing deep the new state that was charting its way forward despite
numerous inter-communal feuds rocking and raging on incessantly in
many states in Bahr el Ghazal and Upper Nile States respectively.

There is daily violence and ongoing instability in South Sudan, with
an uncertain future due to the ongoing undercurrents of conflict.

This author will focus only on the role of the constitution-making in
the political governance transition in South Sudan. It is pertinently
acknowledged fact that the provision of security is the number one
priority of the government in peace-building and increasingly that the
building and rebuilding of public institutions is a key to
sustainability which constitute the successful political and
governance transition which must form the core of any post-conflict
peace-building missions and strategies in the society.

As have been observed in many war ravaged societies like Liberia,
Haiti, Kosovo etc, conflict cessation without modification of the
political environment, even where state-building is undertaken through
technical electoral assistance and institution or capacity-building,
is unlikely to succeed.

This is exactly the south Sudanese scenario which has now facilitated
and provided an avenue for returning to war not with remote enemy but
with itself because a substantial proportion of governance has
resulted in weak, corrupt or limited democratic platforms.

The design of a constitution and its making process can play an
important role in the political and governance spheres of the country
if designed in a way that ushered in democratic principles and not
dictatorial colours which could result into destruction and future
sufferings.

The designing of the constitution after conflict provides an
opportunity in creating a common vision for the future of the country
and a road map on how to get to a stable and peaceful tomorrow if not
Eden.

A good constitution can be a peace agreement among the people of the
country and act as a framework in setting up the rules by which new
democratic will operate.

An ideal constitution can therefore accomplish many things. It can
drive the transformative process from conflict to peace and can seek
to transform the society from one that resorts to violence to one that
resorts to political means of resolving conflicts or political
misunderstandings.

It shapes the governance framework that will regulate access to power
and resources which are all key reasons to conflict and disruption of
peace and stability in many societies including South Sudan.

A good constitution must put in place mechanisms and institutions
through which future conflict in the society can be managed and
averted without a return to violence.

The content of a constitution and the extent to which it sets up a
democratic process is quintessentially important than merely divide
the spoils between political elites will impact the country’s chances
of keeping long-term peace as well as the quality of democratic
principles created or established through it.

The current conflict could therefore be said to be a product of the
transitional constitution which has been designed to vest all powers
in the hands of one man, hence resulting of its entrenchment into the
constitution and basic rules of the governing party, the SPLM, hence
setting ablaze the whole country.

This is true because in the immediate post-conflict environment, the
adoption of a democratic regime can assist the country in resolving
the struggle for power by providing an accepted standard of who is to
govern the country and its people.

This standard is based and anchored on an open and fair competition
for power which is structured around the popular vote and not through
the barrel of a gun.

In the longer term, adoption of participatory democratic governance
structures is such a best option to ensuring sustainable and durable
peace in post-conflict societies like South Sudan.

The evidence to this however suggests that in established
post-conflict democracies, ethno-political groups are more likely to
protest rather than to rebel, hence minimizing internal violence and
return to conflict on wide scale.

Therefore, the creation of a predatory, shadow or authoritarian
government legitimized by constitution in South Sudan is responsible
for current political turmoil, instability and return to conflict on
wide scale jeopardizing the prospects for the future of the country
and its people.

Therefore, initiating changes to the political culture of South
Sudanese society has been one of the most difficult aspects of its
post-conflict transition which requires substantial changes to shape
and readjust the behaviour of the militarists as to roles, norms and
expectations.

But South Sudan has overlooked on wide scale these more intangible
aspects of peace-building and maintenance in favour of technical
rebuilding and assistance which are nevertheless essential to building
and maintaining long term peace and stability in the country.

Ushering in the question of power sharing during the periods of
transition after the conflict is a solution only to the short term
political solutions but a container for holding fertile breeding
grounds for the future conflicts which would be more devastating and
destructive than the resolved one.

This is because formal executive power sharing leads to fragile peace
with minimal violence but without reconciling the adversary parties to
the conflict or addressing the underlying tensions and mistrusts
created by the conflict and the broken social cohesion among the
communities.

The power sharing government model is vulnerable to collapse when
parties pull out or even threaten to pull out if the terms and clauses
of the conflict resolution are not met or implemented as to the
letter.

Hitherto, the formalized divisions of power along identity or ethnic
lines appear to entrench the ethnic and divisive positions that can
fuel the conflict in the future from another angle rather than
ameliorating the conflict.

This will enhance the role of ethnicity and provide breeding grounds
for future conflict because other ethnicities would appear even more
radicalized against others due to the fact that ethnicity became a
useful tool to use in order to get popularity and positions in the
government.

The comprehensive peace agreement concluded in 2005 between the
Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement the
(SPLM) provides how to transit during the Interim Period and usher in
the right to self-determination by the people of southern Sudan but
felt short of how South Sudan should chat its way forward while
transiting from Interim Period to its independence.

The accord also felt short to design the transition period for the new
State and how to conduct elections in the new country, creating a
vacuum and loopholes in governance, hence allowing the ruling party to
monopolize the governance of the new state resulting into numerous
violence and conflicts.

Therefore, if the conflict in South Sudan is resolved based on ethnic
identity and ethnic lines, then it should be obvious that it is the
suspension of the war in order to give momentum to the adversaries to
get prepared for future devastating war and not the resolution of the
conflict in its entirety.

If a lasting and sustainable peace is to be realized in South Sudan,
it must not be based on ethnic lines but on the facts and issues
constituting the outbreak of the conflict, addressing the roots causes
of the conflict and provides strong and punitive avenues which may
prevent the return to war and conflicts of the same scale in the
country.

The root cause of this conflict has nothing to do with ethnic lines or
identities but is more or less rooted down to principles and rules
coated and shielded in dictatorial democracy within the ruling party.

Therefore, it resolution must move away from ethnicity and must not be
connected with any ethnicities. It must be detached from any ethnic
identity or ethnic lines which may create further conflict of
devastating force in the future.

South Sudan is a home to more than sixty ethnicities and therefore,
entrenching in legitimacy of two or three ethnicities will open up
tunnels and windows for ethnicized government hence breeding more
conflicts on ethnic lines which will devastates the country and its
future.

Predictably, this conflict is the making of the government of South
Sudan because since its establishment in 2005 to 2011, the government
took the same path that caused the outbreak of the two wars, the
Anyanya one and the 1983 SPLA rebellion against the oppressive and
suppressive dictatorial regimes based in Khartoum which were
predominantly Arab and their few allies in the Sudan.

It is the same character of the oppressive regimes in Khartoum that
the government of Southern Sudan in Juba has inherited by devising the
same modalities and criteria of resources distribution and governance
based on divisive lines and an imaginable corruption on widest scale.

This conflict if not resolved well by the government by adjusting its
ways of resources distribution and design new governance modalities,
many wars will escalate as many are not happy as true stakeholders in
the governance of their country.

The government must cease recruiting employees on demerits not on
merits leaving out a sizeable competent, capable and highly educated
number of people in favour of incompetent, incapable, corrupt and
uneducated just in favour of mere individual loyalty of their
political god’s fathers.

It is this manner of uneven and unequal distribution of resources and
public participation that has precipitated and ignited this
destructive and devastating war because since the creation and
establishment of the government of southern Sudan in 2005 to date
there has not been any delivery of the direly needed basic services to
the poor due to recruitment of incompetent, incapable, corrupt and
uneducated employees who are only loyal to their appointees and not
the country.

Tong Kot Kuocnin is a Master of Laws (LLM) candidate at the School of
Law of the University of Nairobi and a practising Legal Counsel at
Deng & Co. Advocates. He can be reached at [email protected].
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1 Comment

    False Millionaire
    May 29, 2015 at 3:20 pm     

    Mr Tong,

    Reading your article with great appreciation,the final assertion
of,”uneven and unequal distribution of resources and public
participation”,as the cause of the war is a departure from the most
reasonable bottom of the article implying the need to
exclusive,”access to power and resources”.Why?becouse greed rendered
the notion of,”dividing spoils among political elites”,most
unacceptable.That distances,”the transitional constitution”,from any
blame.The protagonists to the conflict are SPLM/A-Juba,SPLA-IO and the
G11.Please write down my words:any one of them which will win the
struggle at the end will come back to want to use,”the transitional
constitution”,exactly in the way things are today.That is to is to
say,”vast powers in the hands of one man”.

    Thank you very greatly for outlining the true fact of the conflict
having nothing to do with,”ethnic lines or identities”.Unforunately
the protagonists are using their tribesmen.But that’s only as fire
woods and to forget them immediately when they should have conquered
the power.You are very correct with the argument that,”resolution”,of
the conflict ofcourse,”must be moved away from ethnicity and must not
be connected with ethnecities”.Why?becouse as you say it will,”open up
tunnels and windows for ethenicized government hence breeding more
conflict on ethenic lines which will devastate the country and it’s
future”.

    But before logging out,enough be it that the future of RSS will
never lie in the hands of the elites of the SPLM/A factions.Never now
nor in any peace time in the future.Constructive responsible forces
are the ones that are desperately needed.Potentially you and your
likes are among them.Best luck and thank you!!!

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