Cameroon and Boko Haram: government calls on the people to fund
mobilisation – By Jean-Patient Tsala
Posted on June 3, 2015
<http://africanarguments.org/2015/06/03/cameroon-and-boko-haram-government-calls-on-the-people-to-fund-mobilisation-by-jean-patient-tsala/>
by AfricanArgumentsEditor
<http://africanarguments.org/author/africanargumentseditor/>
[image: Cameroon_RapidInterventionBrigade]
<http://africanarguments.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/Cameroon_RapidInterventionBrigade-e1433348888897.jpg>

Members of the Cameroonian army’s Rapid Intervention Brigade, deployed to
fight Boko Haram.

For some months now the fight against Boko Haram in Cameroon has given rise
to an unprecedented mobilisation of the population in support of the armed
forces. Marches in support of the Cameroon Armed Forces (FAC), such as that
of 28th February in Yaoundé, have more recently given way to financial
contributions from citizens. This gesture of solidarity may be good for
national cohesion, but it also points to the economic fragility of the
country and the historic marginalisation of the Far-North due to poor
governance.

Moreover, the support showed to the FAC has become the battleground for the
elite of the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM), the ruling
party, who have been increasing security initiatives in response to public
support. There is now a real risk of seeing this move towards solidarity
fade away as the political hijacking of the military mobilisation causes
the population to question the actual relevance of the initiative.

The cost of the war against Boko Haram is unknown to the general public,
but on several occasions Cameroonian authorities have complained about the
unsustainability of the ongoing operation. The primary reason for is that
up to 90% of Cameroon’s defence budget is focused on recurrent expenditure,
whilst only a small amount is devoted to field operations and investment.

Furthermore, the main response unit on the battlefield, the Rapid
Intervention Battalion, is funded through secretive funds from the National
Hydrocarbon Company, which is itself currently witnessing a drop in
revenues due to the global fall in oil prices. This dual financial pressure
has led the government to request economic support from the population to
fight Boko Haram.

Following this call in late 2014, businessmen, MPs and senators, political
leaders and other citizens have committed themselves to raise funds;
donating foodstuffs and forking out millions of CFA francs to the cause.
The Minister of Trade gave instructions for boxes to be placed in
supermarkets in Yaoundé and Douala to collect voluntary contributions.

Opposition parties are also part of this war effort, as was the case with
Ni John Fru Ndi, Chairman of the Social Democratic Front (SDF), who in
March 2015 visited wounded soldiers at the Yaoundé Military Hospital and
donated foodstuffs to them. However, the lack of transparency in the
management of these funds has given rise to a debate on likely embezzlement.

In April, *The* *Messager* newspaper revealed that some members of
parliament did not recognise themselves in the contributions attributed to
the senate. In an attempt to calm the situation, Paul Biya instructed the
opening of a special account at the public treasury titled ‘People’s
contribution, fight against Boko Haram’ and set up an ad-hoc
inter-ministerial committee in charge of the management of the collected
funds. He himself made a personal donation.

Though this measure has returned some legitimacy to the operation, it has
nevertheless increased its politicisation, as the various strongholds of
the ruling party compete to see who will contribute the largest sum of
money in a bid to attract the favour of the prince. Last month this
competition resulted in a plethora of motions of support from the regional
and divisional elite of the CPDM and other widespread fundraising
initiatives organised by the party throughout the national territory.

Despite measures taken by President Paul Biya to reassure the population
about the transparency of the management of funds, frustration and
dissatisfaction remain; especially among soldiers. Troops from the
battlefield have expressed their anger in the face of this situation
because according to them, they are not feeling the impact of this
solidarity move. Their discontent was, however, soon hushed up by
top-ranking military officers. In this respect, one of the leaders of the
opposition, Maurice Kamto of the Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroun
(MRC), denounced the political hijacking of the solidarity movement and
demanded that the inter-ministerial committee render accounts to the
population on a monthly basis. The government reacted through the national
daily newspaper, the *Cameroon Tribune,* saying that the funds collected as
of 7 May amounted to USD 2.5 million.

How do we explain the fact that the authorities have not disclosed the
budget deficit, but continue to call on the Cameroonian people to make
large sacrifices? The Ministry of Defence budget, which increased to more
than CFAF 212 billion in 2015, did not provoke any call for financial
support from the population. In 2013, the heavy-handed allocation of funds
for the Rapid Intervention Battalion confirmed the financial health of an
army that has not previously faced an asymmetric war.

Today, calls for contributions seem to be the tip of the iceberg.
Cameroon’s already empty shopping basket is called upon to take the strain
again in a context where unemployment and poverty confirm a chronic
political breakdown.

The war against Boko Haram is currently weighing heavily on the political
agenda. The detrimental effects of succession battles will be felt by an
electorate from which the government has already requested a superhuman
effort. Will the expression of sympathy towards soldiers be the same for
politicians in 2018? Nothing is certain, but we are perhaps beginning to
see the first signs of a turbulent change in power that could see the army
act as referee.

*Jean-Patient Tsala is Editor in Chief of Magic FM radio (Yaoundé). *

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