---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: John Ashworth <[email protected]>
Date: Tue, Jul 7, 2015 at 9:24 AM
Subject: [sudans-john-ashworth] Are Christians in Sudan facing persecution?
To: Group <[email protected]>


Are Christians in Sudan facing persecution?

By James Copnall
BBC
22 June 2015

The continuing trial of two pastors in Khartoum raises the
historically loaded and still deeply relevant question of Sudan's
treatment of minorities.

The Reverends Yat Michael and Peter Yen have been charged with several
offences, including undermining the constitutional system, waging war
against the state, and espionage.

The first two charges carry the death penalty.

The campaign group Amnesty International considers the men to be
"prisoners of conscience, arrested, detained and charged solely
because of their peaceful expression of their religious convictions".

The case has attracted the attention of Christian campaign groups in
the US, who say the men are being "persecuted for their Christian
faith".

All this fits neatly into a long-held, though occasionally
exaggerated, narrative of Sudanese state oppression of religious and
ethnic minorities.

According to Amnesty, Mr Michael was arrested in December 2014 after a
sermon he gave in a church in Khartoum North in which he raised
concerns about the treatment of Christians in Sudan.

Mr Yen was detained the following month, apparently after he had sent
a letter to the Religious Affairs Office querying his colleague's
arrest.

As the trial continues, it is impossible to say for sure whether the
men are guilty of anything, but their vulnerability is apparent.

They come from two very obvious minorities, being Christian and from
South Sudan.

Ethnic discrimination

The southern Sudanese voted overwhelmingly for independence in 2011,
after two decades-long civil wars in which well over two million
people are believed to have died.

Successive leaders in Khartoum have attempted to unify a huge and very
diverse country by pursuing Arabising and Islamising policies.

This often alienated non-Arabs and non-Muslims, and together with
unequal development and political repression this led to civil wars in
several parts of Sudan.

The independence of the largely non-Muslim and non-Arab South Sudan
did not end Sudan's problems: wars continue in Darfur, South Kordofan
and Blue Nile.

Despite what Christian and other activist groups sometimes claim,
religion is not the dominant factor in these conflicts.

Almost everyone in Darfur and Blue Nile is Muslim, regardless of
whether they support the rebels or the government or dislike both.

The issue there is more closely linked to ethnic discrimination, with
those seen as "Arabs" given preferential treatment over those
perceived to be "Africans".

In South Kordofan, there are more Christians, and cases of churches
being bombed in the Nuba mountains where the rebels are based.

But the Nuba people are very mixed - it is not uncommon to find
Christians, Muslims and followers of traditional religions in the same
family - and it would be wrong to describe this as a religious
conflict.

Rebels must take their share of the blame for the various wars, though
Sudan's history has taught that disenfranchised people are only
listened to when they take up arms.

Woeful treatment

Yet it is hard to dispute that Sudan's treatment of its minorities was
and remains woeful.

The arrest of the two pastors "is not something new for our church",
the Reverend Tut Kony, pastor of the South Sudan Presbyterian
Evangelical Church, is quoted as saying.

"Almost all pastors have gone to jail under the government of Sudan.

"This is their habit to pull down the church. We are not surprised.
This is the way they deal with the church."

Sudan's Christians are allowed to practice their faith, and you can
find churches of several denominations in Khartoum, and elsewhere in
the country.

But churches have been destroyed in Khartoum, and many Sudanese
Christians believe life if becoming harder for them.

In one case followed around the world, Meriam Yahya Ibrahim was
sentenced to death after her brother said she had converted to
Christianity, before eventually the sentence was overturned and she
fled the country.

In a famous speech in late 2010, President Omar al Bashir said that
after South Sudan seceded there would "be no time to speak of
diversity of culture and ethnicity".

It was perceived as a direct threat to all those who did not subscribe
to the regime's Islamist policies, and to all those who did not come
from the dominant ethnic groups from in and around Khartoum.

President al-Bashir also insisted that "Sharia (Islamic law) and Islam
will be the main source for the constitution, Islam the official
religion and Arabic the official language".

That might sound logical in a country where official statistics
indicate 97% of the population is Muslim; but it worried many
non-Muslims and also Muslims who did not subscribe to Bashir's vision
of the religion and its role in public life.

Shortly afterwards, I spoke to the Nuba development worker Nagwa Musa
Konda, a Christian.

Bashir's speech had shaken her, and she predicted her home region
would soon become "like Darfur", a new war in a country already
wracked by conflict for many decades.

Within a few months, her prediction came true: a conflict broke out in
South Kordofan in June 2011, shortly followed by Blue Nile. Those wars
still rage.

Generations of governments in Khartoum, going back to the Ottoman and
then British colonisers, have failed to make the country's ethnic and
religious diversity an advantage rather than an obstacle.

There is little to suggest the current government, which has been in
power since the 1989 coup, is willing or able to break the mould.

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-33196289

END
______________________
John Ashworth

Sudan, South Sudan Advisor

[email protected]

+254 725 926 297 (Kenya mobile)
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PO Box 52662 - 00100, Nairobi, Kenya

This is a personal e-mail address and the contents do not necessarily
reflect the views of any organisation

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