Reform of South Sudan Judiciary: where to start?

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By Ajo Noel Julious K.

The other day I was at my favorite tea spot by the roadside at Mahata Yei,
sipping hot kerekede – hibiscus tea – as speeding bikers and motor vehicles
moved by. In local, Juba Arabic, this location is famously known as
BARLAMAN – or Parliament in English. It earned this name because both
employed and unemployed youth love coming to discussion politics of the day
every evening after work. Of course for those who know it, BARLAMAN has
history that dates back to the days of the liberation with its ancient spot
in Yei town, then known as DNC. Today there are many Ministers and
Honorable Members of Parliament in both State and Federal government who
pride themselves on having been members of the BARLAMAN. It moved to Juba
when the CPA was signed and all these promising young men came to the city
and continued it.

As I sat there drinking my hibiscus tea with the traffic throwing dust on
us, the discussion intensified around Transitional Justice, Judicial
reforms and what really needs to be done and how we should go about it. “It
is common knowledge that the Judiciary is understaffed, poorly financed and
corrupt. Young well-educated lawyers like you must rescue us,” one of my
colleagues asserted. We all know that South Sudan needs Justice but this
can only be achieved when we have genuinely reformed our judiciary and
enhanced its capabilities. I have had a cocktail of ideas swarming my mind
on how I can contribute to make a difference in this search for judicial
reform and Justice. So, in the interest of bringing BARLAMAN and its
important debates to the public, I’d like to share my thoughts on where to
begin with judicial reform in South Sudan.

On July 9, 2011, the Republic of South Sudan gained independence from the
Sudan and adopted the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of the
South Sudan. Article 122(2) of the Transitional Constitution established
the Judiciary, independent of the Executive and Legislature and with a
budget charged on the consolidated fund, guaranteeing political and
financial independence.

The unusual process of becoming independent from a pre-existing political
and legal entity created problems for the judiciary. South Sudan inherited
part of the Judiciary of Republic of the Sudan – a judiciary that is highly
corrupt and based on the Islamic law (sharia), with Arabic as the official
language. Following Independence, South Sudan adopted the Common law system
and English as its official language. This paradigm shift created confusion
in the legal system with most judges trying to twig to the old judicial
regime while commonwealth trained judges advocated for a complete shift.
Remnants of the old system persist today: for example, summons, judicial
opinions and judgments are written in Arabic while others in English.

Unfortunately, corruption has carried over, as well. Judicial power is
derived from the people and exercised by the courts in accordance with the
customs, values, norms and aspirations of the people and in conformity with
the Constitution and the law. Thus, legally and practically, the strength
of the Judiciary lies in the people’s confidence that it can deliver
justrice. However, the Judiciary of South Sudan is said to be one of the
most corrupt institutions in the country. There are allegations of
corruption, nepotism and influence by the Executive.

The independence of the Judiciary was put to test when Pagan Amum, the
Secretary General of the ruling Party Sudan People’s Liberation Movement
(SPLM), challenged the President’s decision to suspend him from the party.
(For more information seehttp://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article47570).
The Chief Justice and security operatives are said to have threatened the
advocates who filed the petition on behalf of Pagan with arrest while
others fled the country for their safety (for more information see
http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article47676).

Serious allegations of nepotism and corruption again arose when Justice
Clement John Kuc, Justice of the Court of Appeal resigned and the Chief
Justice appointed his daughter to the Judiciary. It is not clear whether
the Chief Justice had consulted with the Council (if it even functionally
exists) on his intended appointment of judicial officers that included his
daughter, as required under section 7(1)(d) of the Judicial Service Council
Act. Regardless of whether the Chief Justice consulted the Council, Section
8(2) of the same law bars the Council from delegating its powers of
appointments, promotions and removal of justices and judges to the Chief
Justice (President of the Supreme Court). It is important to reiterate that
Judiciary appointments are the sole responsibilities of the National
Judicial Service Council, pursuant to Article 132 of the 2011 Transitional
Constitution and Section 8 of the 2008 Judiciary Service Council Act.

The history of the Judicial Services Council is an important one. During
the six years interim period, the Government of Southern Sudan through its
Southern Legislature, enacted the Judicial Service Council Act of 2008.
This legislation was carried over after independence by Article 200 of the
Transitional Constitution, which provides for the continuity of then
existing laws and institutions of Southern Sudan.

The law provides for the establishment and governance of an independent
Council to promote an effective and efficient judiciary in Southern Sudan
and to foster high standards of ethics and professionalism. The Judicial
Services Council approves general policy for the Judiciary, annual budgets
and it recommends to the President for approval the President of the
Supreme Court, Its Deputy, Justices of the Supreme, the Court appeal and
also matters of discipline and promotions in the Judiciary. It is this
Council that is responsible for the recruitment of judges and provides
recommendation for their appointment to the President. Section 9 of the
Judicial Services Council Act provides for the composition of the Judicial
Service Council, including; the President of the Supreme Court as the
Chairperson, the Minister of Justice, the Deputy President of the Supreme
Court, the Minister of Finance, the Chairperson of Legal Affairs Committee
in Parliament and two Justices of the Supreme Court based on their
seniority, the Dean of the Faculty of Law at the University of Juba, the
president of the South Sudan Bar Association, two Justices of the Supreme
Court, and an ex officio member as the Secretary General of the Council.

First, one problem with the current Judicial Services Council that
contributes to corruption is its composition. The presence on the Council
of members of the Bench and the Executive branch of the Government may
compromise the Council’s impartiality. A number of observations support
this assertion. The Judicial Services Council is responsible for
recruitment of all judicial officers including the Chief Justice, all
members of the Supreme Court, Presidents of the Courts of Appeal and its
members who are recommended to the President for appointment. In this very
Council, the President of the Supreme Court is the chairman and the Deputy
President of the Supreme Court and two more justices, members. The
Secretary General, an ex officio member, is also to be chosen from among
the Supreme Court Justices. Thus, of nine total members of the Council, at
least five are justices of the Supreme Court. It is a legitimate fear that
the Council will turn out to be a sort of “Supreme Court Justices club.”
These conditions raise concerns as to the Council’s impartiality and
conflicts of interest in the recruitment processes. It is important to note
that perceived conflicts of interest and impartiality can be mitigated by
Council members’ individual morale dogmas and desire to do what is just and
right. However, the structure is inherently suspect.

Second, another issue with the Judicial Services Commission relates to the
South Sudanese President’s exercise of his appointment power. Legally, the
ideal process requires that whenever there are vacancies in the Judiciary,
the Council must advertise. Eligible candidates will apply through the set,
standard process and qualified candidates will be shortlisted and
interviewed by the Council. Those candidates that are successful will be
recommended to the President for appointment. The President’s appointment
powers are limited to the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal Justices and he
shall have at least three candidates from which to choose for the position
of Chief Justice.
However there can be a situation where the president may refuse or not act
on any Council recommendation for appointment of judicial officers for one
reason or another. This situation has been experienced in Kenya and Uganda
where it took almost a year for the president to act on a recommendation
from the Judicial Service Council for appointments. South Sudan may fall
victim to the same scenario.

Yet, there are ways to address these deficiencies in the Council’s
operation. First, with respect to the Council structure, all is not lost.
Our law seems to have been borrowed from Kenya, which has similar
provisions. The Kenyan law has proven effective since the Country launched
it judicial reform processes after the new constitution was adopted in
2010. The law has been supported by political will from the Executive
branch and strong systems that advocated and provided accountability.
Despite the provision that the Council shall be independent and impartial,
and shall exercise its powers and perform its functions without fear or
favor or prejudice in the interest of and maintenance of an effective and
efficient Judiciary in South Sudan and adherence to a high standard of
professional ethics, the contrast is true of South Sudan. The problem,
however, can be remedied by getting the right persons in the right places,
men and women of superior pedigree and ethics. If constituted correctly,
the Council composition can be a positive, bringing together the various
policymakers from the Legislature and the Executive to share in shaping the
Judiciary and paving way for an independent institution.

Second, regarding the Presidential appointment system, the situation can be
avoided by amending the law to restrict Presidential appointment after
recommendation from the Council only to the Chief Justice and Deputy Chief
Justice (also known as the President and Deputy President of the Supreme
Court) and the Presidents of the Courts of Appeal. In the alternative,
legal reform could provide for approval by Parliament of the Chief Justice
and the Deputy Chief Justice and all other Justices of the Supreme Court
and Courts of Appeal. The High Court Judges and other subordinates courts
can be recruited and appointed by the Council without presidential or
parliamentary appointment requirements. These changes would save time and
avoid political bickering in the Judiciary, thus paving the way for more
real judicial independence.
The absence of a fully functional judicial service commission has far
reaching consequences in relation to other legislations. For instance, the
National Security Services Act, 2014, provides for an establishment of
oversight mechanisms to the National Security service in the name of a
Complaints Board. This board is to be appointed by the President upon
recommendations from the Judicial Service Commission. Therefore, importance
of having a fully independent and functional judicial commission goes
without saying.

More generally, in order to have a sound and strong Council, there must be
a strong bar association, the body that brings practitioners together.
There is a need because the head or leader of the bar association is
automatically a member of the Council, charged with functions as stipulated
in the Act. It is unfortunate, however, that the Bar Association has been
locked in struggle over its own legitimacy and standing. I will provide
analysis of the bar association and its predicaments in a forthcoming
article.
In sum, what really needs to be done to reform the Judiciary as we move
forward?
The Judicial Service Council has to be constituted immediately and given
the resources to carry out its statutory functions. There should be then a
systematic overhaul of the whole Judiciary, starting from the Courts of
Record, the High Court, The Court of Appeal and Supreme Court and
subsequently encompassing the subordinate courts at the Magistrate level.
The reform process should include;

• Advertising judiciary position for which applicant judges, both new and
old, must apply,
• Creating clear, detailed selection criteria for judicial positions,
• Publicizing shortlisted applicants in the media for the public to view
and submit complaints to the Council,
• The candidates are interviewed not in camera with the public asked to
submit their genuine complaints about any applicants,
• Forwarding to the president or parliament (depending upon the route
chosen) approved candidates’ names.

For any and all of these reforms to succeed, there is need for political
will to change the Judiciary. Genuine overhaul of the Judiciary at these
early stages shall underlie its future growth and development.

*The Author is an Attorney/Advocate, a graduate of UCU and Harvard Law
School. He also holds a Post Graduate Diploma in Legal Practice from Law
Development Centre, Kampala Uganda and is a winner of the Attorney General
Award of Excellence. He can be reached on [email protected]
<[email protected]>, [email protected] <[email protected]> or
legal@ajoadvocates and visitwww.ajoadvocates.com
<http://www.ajoadvocates.com/> for details*

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