Tanzania: ‘The X Factor’ in CCM’s Presidential Nomination – By Dr Alexander
Makulilo and Thomas Steven
Posted on July 9, 2015
<http://africanarguments.org/2015/07/09/tanzania-the-x-factor-in-ccms-presidential-nomination-by-dr-alexander-makulilo-and-thomas-steven/>
by AfricanArgumentsEditor
<http://africanarguments.org/author/africanargumentseditor/>

<http://africanarguments.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/Alexander-Makulilo-e1436454683940.jpg>

Dr Alexander Makulilo

As Tanzania’s dominant party since independence, CCM has always won both
the Union and Zanzibar elections. Party stalwarts boast that whomever CCM
nominates as its presidential candidate is all but assured of becoming the
country’s chief executive – and on Friday 10 July the five person shortlist
will be presented to the National Executive Committee.

Like politics in any country, the CCM presidential nomination can be a
murky process and can present a chance to settle old scores. As the
nomination proceeds, a number of hypothetical scenarios could unfold.

Circumstances could conspire against certain applicant(s), perceived to be
especially powerful and/or divisive. Events could seem to focus on a bid to
control the nomination process with a view to eliminating this candidature.
This could be termed ‘the X factor’.

This ‘Control’ scenario has several permutations. One could be the removal
of X from the 32 member Central Committee’s (CC) eventual shortlist of five
aspirants, one of whom will be voted in by CCM members as their candidate.

The directive to remove X could be issued by the chair. CCM’s constitution
declares that the chair need not be the head of state, but in practice it
is always so.

President Kikwete’s fiat could be exercised based on unsavoury information
provided by the Security and Ethics Committee. There are precedents to
‘Control by Fiat’. In 1995 President Nyerere is said to have ordered the
removal of forms submitted by Edward Lowassa and John Malecela. The veto
was also reportedly used on Mr Malecela a decade later during President
Mkapa’s tenure.

Another course of action under the Control scenario is discipline for a
past offence. ‘Control by Discipline’ could be meted out on X by the CC
deciding to return to a previous misdemeanour.

One option would be to revisit last year’s violation of the Election
Expenses Act (2010) by a number of senior party members. The named were
Edward Lowassa, January Makamba, Bernard Membe, William Ngeleja, Frederick
Sumaye and Steven Wasira. All have presidential ambitions, and all
allegedly engaged in ‘early campaigning’.

In May 2015 it was announced that the six had all received a caution – a
mild slap on the wrist. The decision to hold back on a penalty could be
seen as a tactic within a wider strategy.

The tactic may have been to administer only a light touch in order to
ensure that none of the six heavyweights obstructed the June 2015 budget –
which, in the event, they all supported. The yellow card – with no penalty
– could become a red card if a second caution is issued.

The recent words of CCM’s Publicity and Ideology Secretary, Nape Nnauye,
offer a glimpse into this option under the Control by Discipline strategy.
Mr Nnauye said for “those wishing to contest … past incidents would be used
during screening for candidates.”

Here the solution to the X factor could be to deal with Messrs Lowassa,
Makamba, Membe, Ngeleja, Sumaye and Wasira all in exactly the same way as
each contravened the rules in the same way.

Control by Discipline: deal with the threat by sacrificing all six. The
method removes the X factor and leaves the others who played nicely to be
rewarded with leadership positions.

The next Control scenario also relates in part to leadership positions. In
‘Control by Categorization’ the CC populates its shortlist according to
classifications that exclude X. X could be outranked by those currently
holding senior positions in government.

Traditions of the Union could also mean that, should X be a mainlander, the
list of five should include a Zanzibari. In the event of X being male, the
gender card could be played – selecting one of the women seeking nomination.

Then there is ‘the outsider’. Historically there is always at least one
person who emerges from relative obscurity. It may be a competent civil
servant, or some other safe pair of hands. The shortlist may also include a
name long associated with the party who has commanded and earned respect
elsewhere.

Should Control by Fiat, Discipline, or Categorization prevent X from taking
the party’s presidential nomination, the offer of a high-status government
appointment could be made to appease them.

This presents a further variation, ‘Control by Accommodation’, which sees X
being informed that Y will be president, and that X will receive another
senior position such as vice-president or prime minister. Whether X would
be satisfied with any appointment that is not the highest office in the
land is another matter – as the upper echelons of CCM know all too well.

If events are to transpire to X’s displeasure, he/she may well take action
that leads to a new sequence of events. If X is indeed dissatisfied with
the arbitration over Y’s success, there are three possible outcomes. X may
decide to: 1, play ball nicely; 2, play ball roughly; 3, play ball
elsewhere.

In Outcome 1 a disappointed X feels that this just isn’t his/her year to
lift the cup. X lives to fight another day.

Outcome 2 sees a disgruntled X attempt to sabotage the remainder of the
nomination process. X’s team approaches Z, one of the shortlisted
candidates, with the offer of a campaign team with proven experience and
substantial funds.

Seduced by the massive resources at X’s disposal, Z agrees to the alliance
and wins the competition. X becomes the kingmaker and is a step closer to
having Z, Tanzania’s fifth president, in his/her pocket.

In Outcome 3 a dejected X feels snubbed by the system and leaves the party
altogether. The defection of such a big-hitter leaves CCM considerably
weakened.

X either establishes a new party that a number of allies from CCM then
join, or X joins an existing party. CCM’s supremacy is then significantly
challenged in forthcoming elections

Since the dawn of multiparty democracy in 1992, opposition parties have
slowly grown in their share of the vote. The opposition now shows some
signs of being able to mount a serious challenge to CCM’s hegemony, and the
forthcoming elections are likely to be the most difficult democratic test
the party has ever faced.

A partnership with a newly-established political party – such as the
Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT-Wazalendo) – may not have time to
make a significant impact in the October 2015 polls. X would more likely
favour an outfit akin to UKAWA, with greater experience as an organisation
and more established structures.

Should X indeed attempt to form a pact, then one would hope that the ruling
party’s qualms would also weigh on any self-respecting ally.

*Dr Alexander Makulilo is from the Department of Political Science and
Public Administration at the University of Dar es Salaam, and Thomas Steven
is an independent analyst. A fuller version of this post can be read here.
<http://mtega.com/2015/07/guest-post-the-x-factor-in-ccms-presidential-nomination/>*
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