Will the Obama administration fix its Sudan policy?

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By Ahmed Hussain Adam

President Obama concluded his three-day symbolic visit to Africa this week,
but the 12-year old genocide of Darfur is still unfolding. One would
welcome Obama’s achievements during this visit, including his strong
position and active diplomacy on South Sudan’s crisis. Nevertheless, it is
sad that there was no similar action to end Sudan’s crisis. President Omer
Hassan al-Bashir, the International Criminal Court fugitive, has been
accelerating his genocidal campaigns in Darfur, South Kordofan and the Blue
Nile states - the killing fields of our time. Bashir has been exploiting
the divisions among the world powers that have failed to respond to his
genocidal wars and gross violations of human rights across Sudan.

The US, as a leading world power that was founded on the values and
principles of justice, human rights and democracy, has ceaseless moral
responsibility to act against genocide. In September 2004, Colin Powell,
then-US Secretary of State, had declared the ongoing conflict in Darfur as
genocide. It was a rare precedent in the history of the American
administrations’ response to genocide since the 1900s. By recognising the
Darfur situation as genocide, the US is under a legal obligation to stop
it, as enshrined in the Convention on the Prevention of Genocide of 1948,
which has now become international customary law.

The Obama administration is well-informed about the ongoing genocide in
Sudan. Before assuming office, President Obama, Vice President Joe Biden
and US Representative to the UN, Ambassador Samantha Power, had visited the
region and met with the Darfuri refugees in the early years of the Darfur
genocide. Suzan Rice, the national security advisor was also outspoken
about the genocide in Darfur. All of them had pledged to stop the genocide
in Darfur. Advocates, including myself have expected much more from
Ambassador Power - the humanitarian intervention champion, influential
member of the administration and author of the compelling book A Problem
from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide. In this book, Power, poses a
haunting question: “Why do American leaders who vow ‘never again’
repeatedly fail to marshal the will and the might to stop genocide?” So why
do policy makers, including Ambassador Power, repeat the same failure by
not responding to the genocide of the 21st century?

Undoubtedly, Obama is on the tail end of his presidency. Analysts also
believe that US foreign interests have shifted from intervening in the
affairs of African and Muslim countries towards repairing relations with
old enemies like Iran and Cuba. The Iran nuclear deal is currently
dominating the national debate in the US, especially with the looming
elections season. Public opinion is divided, mainly due to the sharp
political differences and calculations between President Obama and the
Republican-dominated Congress. Bashir is determined to exploit the current
political climate in the US. The Obama administration and the current
Congress must not tacitly allow the suffering bellows of countless human
beings be their legacy.

Earlier this month, a senior Sudanese diplomat in Khartoum announced that
Sudan had invited Ambassador Donald Booth, US Special Envoy to Sudan and
South Sudan, to visit Khartoum. According to the Sudanese diplomat, the
sole agenda item of the visit is to discuss ways to normalise bilateral
relations. Some observers have regarded the move as surprising, given the
problematic diplomatic relations between the two countries since the
Islamists seized power in Khartoum in 1989.

Sudan has also blocked the US Special Envoy from visiting Sudan since 2013.
Bashir’s regime complains that the US had repeatedly broken promises to
normalise bilateral relations, despite Sudan’s cooperation in allowing a
smooth and peaceful referendum in South Sudan, and eventually recognised
its results that led to the independence of South Sudan in 2011. Bashir’s
regime also claimed that the US has not rewarded it for its continuous
collaboration on counter-terrorism efforts.

So, why has Sudan invited US envoy to visit Khartoum? Some sources in
Khartoum believe that the US has recently taken some steps that have been
considered by Khartoum as positive and encouraging. First, last February,
Dr Ibrahim Ghandour, then al-Bashir’s senior assistant and, currently
Sudan’s Foreign Minister, visited Washington DC, where he met with senior
officials of the US administration. Ali Karti, the former foreign minister,
also visited Washington during that time. However, the State Department
distanced itself from his visit.

Second, last February, the deputy assistant secretary of state for
democracy and human rights and labour visited Khartoum and met with some
Sudanese officials. Third, the US Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets
Control has relaxed the sanctions on Sudan to allow exports of personal
communications, including smartphones and laptops as well imports of some
agricultural equipment. Fourth, the US has repeatedly recognised Sudan as a
valuable partner in counter-terrorism efforts and that Sudan is no longer
harbouring or sponsoring terrorist organisations. Al-Bashir believes that
the emergence of the Islamic State terrorist group will make him a more
valuable asset to the US and may push the US to normalise relations with
Sudan.

Fifth, earlier this month, the US embassy in Khartoum condemned the Sudan
People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM/N) for some military activities in South
Kordofan state. This move was widely reported and praised in the
government’s media and perceived by the regime as a positive sign that
indicates a change in US policy. Sixth, earlier this month, the US Embassy
in Khartoum announced the resumption of immigration visa processing in
Sudan for the first time in nearly 20 years.

Dialogue is an important method of international and diplomatic relations.
However, Bashir is only interested in getting rid of US sanctions to
consolidate his autocratic regime. But he is not prepared to take any
tangible measures to stop the ongoing genocide and gross violations of
human rights, which his regime has been perpetrating. How can a genocidal
dictator remain in power, and lead his people into meaningful democratic
transition, when he himself fractured Sudan?

The UN Security Council has issued nearly 20 resolutions on Sudan under
Chapter 7 of the UN Charter, but al-Bashir has dishonoured them all. His
real intention is to mislead the world, bide time, and continue his old
bloody tactics. During last March and April, Bashir rejected the call for a
national dialogue with his fellow citizens; instead, he imposed the rigged
one-man and one-party elections, which were strongly denounced by the
majority of the Sudanese people and some key members of the international
community.

The ongoing genocide in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and the Blue Nile, as
well as the gross violations of human rights across Sudan, should shock the
US and the world into action. Bashir should not be allowed to exploit the
current focus on the Iran nuclear deal and other world flashpoints. The US
should send a clear message to Bashir that it cannot and will not ignore
the suffering of millions of innocent civilians who have been subjected to
his genocidal campaigns.

It is imperative that the US and its partners set a clear road map with
specific benchmarks that apply punitive measures, including smart targeted
sanctions, to stop the genocide, realise an inclusive peace and facilitate
a political transition in Sudan. It should be clear to Bashir that there
will be no normalisation with the ongoing genocide and tyranny.

Obama can still fulfil his long overdue promise to stop the genocide of the
21st century. He should not be held back by narrowly defined national
interests, since his administration has already considered the prevention
of genocide and other mass atrocities as a core American national security
interest. If there is a will, stopping the horror in Sudan can still be a
part of the Obama’s foreign policy legacy. It is not too late for President
Obama to fix his Sudan’s policy.

* Ahmed Hussain Adam is Visiting Fellow at Cornell University’s Institute
for African Development (IAD) and a Research Fellow at the Department of
Public Policy and Administration at the American University in Cairo.*

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