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Subject: Your daily selection of IRIN Africa English reports, 8/5/2015
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humanitarian news and analysis

Table of contents
1. Editor's take: What hope for reform? <#14f0050bb4d4175c_1>
2. Can UN aid change? Q&A with top officials <#14f0050bb4d4175c_2>
------------------------------
*Editor's take: What hope for reform?
<http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=101810>*

[image: lead photo]DUSHANBE, 5 August 2015 (IRIN) - On the northern tip of
Sri Lanka, amid the limestone and palmyra groves of Jaffna, lie the graves
of New England missionaries – graduates of Princeton and Harvard – who came
to the city in the 1800s to build schools and health clinics. They lived
their entire lives with the local community in Jaffna. Their children died
there – of diseases that could have been treated back home in America. Some
of their wives never even made it, dying along the way on the treacherous
boat journey.

Raga Alphonsus remembers them as true humanitarians, who served his home
community in a way few foreigners could today.

I met Raga in the Tajik capital Dushanbe during the last of a series of
consultations held around the world to find new ways to improve crisis
response.

The consultations are part of the lead-up up to the World Humanitarian
Summit, an initiative of the UN Secretary General to be held in Istanbul in
May 2016. They bring representatives of local communities, like Raga,
together with UN and government officials, NGOs, and members of the private
sector and academia for an exploration of how to #ReShapeAid.

How to better place affected populations at the heart of our responses?
#ReShapeAid <https://twitter.com/hashtag/ReShapeAid?src=hash>
@HebaJournalist <https://twitter.com/HebaJournalist> #WHSsca
<https://twitter.com/hashtag/WHSsca?src=hash> pic.twitter.com/PusYr8PLkg
<http://t.co/PusYr8PLkg>
— ICVAASIA (@ICVAAsia) July 28, 2015
<https://twitter.com/ICVAAsia/status/625924584269742080>

The numbers are impressive. Ahead of this eighth and final regional
consultation, the WHS secretariat had consulted 23,000 people in 151
countries across multiple sectors in an effort to come up with
recommendations to fix an emergency response system that many see as broken.

I asked Raga what he felt the process could do for his community.
Organisers made a good effort, he told me, to give local people a voice in
shaping the future direction of aid delivery in their communities. But
ultimately, he asked, where will all this go so long as the international
system has no real connection with the people it is trying to help?

Today’s aid workers are a different breed from those who came generations
before. Humanitarianism has become a career, not just a passion. The
machinery of security procedures, rotation schedules and salary scales is a
distraction from understanding – and living – the realities of local
communities. Today’s aid architecture – UN-led multilateral mechanisms
driven from New York and Geneva – is also far removed from the ad-hoc and
uncoordinated approach of missionaries past.

The $23 billion spent annually on emergency aid travels a circuitous route
of sub-contracting (Donor - UN agency - international NGO - national NGO -
community-based organisation) in which each actor in the supply chain takes
a cut for overhead costs and influences the direction of the assistance –
leaving the local people who are actually affected with little say and less
money. Aid efforts are often inappropriate for the needs or culture of the
communities they target, and sometimes they sideline them altogether.

Perhaps as a result of how far the pendulum has swung, one of the main
themes to emerge from the WHS consultations is a push towards
‘localisation’ – in other words, an aid response that is more grounded in –
and led by – local communities.

This shift would see external actors like the UN and big international NGOs
– described by WHS secretariat chief Jemilah Mahmood as “arrogant” –
support and enable communities to help themselves, rather than leading the
response. It would see local communities have more influence in shaping
their own futures. And it would see local capacity, tradition and
approaches respected in aid delivery.

<http:///Photo/Details/201508051032380406/Looking-at-the-whole-funding-pie-funding-directly-to-national-NGOs-and-charities-is-shown-in-the>
Photo: Ben Parker/IRIN
<http://newirin.irinnews.org/the-humanitarian-economy>
Funding directly to national NGOs and charities is shown in the yellow
boxes
Sources: Development Initiative-coded UN OCHA FTS data, UN OCHA FTS



The summit holds the promise of bold new ideas to reform the emergency aid
system. But ‘localisation’ isn’t radical. If anything, it’s simply going
back to basics. The consultative break-out sessions I witnessed were in
fact very pragmatic – participants even worded recommendations in a way
that would be more likely to be accepted by governments.

Still, there have been some practical suggestions, for example that
agencies invest in understanding what local capacity exists before a
crisis, or that 20 percent of all humanitarian financing go directly to
local NGOs.

These kinds of steps could significantly improve aid delivery if
implemented.

“The WHS has always aspired to be transformative – I don’t know about
revolutionary – but certainly transformative for the lives of people who
are affected by crises,” said Mahmood. “It doesn’t mean that you have to do
revolutionary things. Sometimes you have to go back to basics and do the
things that you are supposed to do anyway, and that will transform their
lives.”

Fair enough. But are the important actors really buying into this new
philosophy? After all, localisation threatens the very existence of an
entire aid infrastructure that has become entrenched over decades.

UN leaders promise they’re capable of this kind of shift.

“We are working at WFP as hard as we can to change an organisation that we
know [needs] to provide more value for money, be more efficient, be more
effective, have better partnerships,” Ertharin Cousin, the head of the
world’s largest aid organisation, the World Food Programme, told me in an
interview. “We can’t be afraid of change, as an organisation or as a
humanitarian system.”

Kyung-wha Kang, the Assistant Secretary-General of the UN’s humanitarian
coordination body, OCHA, gave similar signals when she told me that, in an
ideal world, her organisation wouldn’t need to exist.

(See the highlights of both interviews here
<http://www.irinnews.org/report/101823/can-un-aid-change-q-a-with-top-officials>
).

But ask them how – in the real world – their own organisations will change
and what ‘localisation’ means for them – and you don’t get much change of
course.

In OCHA’s move towards localisation, it has added a “workstream” for
Communicating with Communities – piloted in the Philippines after the
Haiyan disaster and rolled out again, rather successfully, in Nepal – which
it now wants to incorporate into every one of its operations. It is also
exploring how to give a bigger percentage of pooled funds directly to local
NGOs.

WFP has moved towards distributing cash instead of food, giving families
more choice in what to buy and supporting the local economy.

But these changes don't fundamentally change the power dynamics nor these
organisations' internal structure. WFP doesn’t intend to shrink its
workforce of 14,000, for example.

<http:///Photo/Details/201508051318430770/WFP-trucks-convoy-delivering-food-supplies-during-a-relief-effort-in-Somalia>
Photo: Cristiano LaRuffa/WFP
WFP trucks convoy delivering food supplies during a relief effort in Somalia

As a lawyer who advises organisations and companies on good governance and
organisational structure told me, the UN has an inherent inability to
reform.

Kang said it herself: “Every institution has an instinct to self-preserve,
so every time there is a movement against that, of course there’s going to
be resistance.”

The UN Secretary-General, meant to contribute “bold” ideas to the WHS
process, has himself been “asleep at the wheel”, as one UN staffer put it.
Even if he wakes up in time to try to turn this legacy project – likely his
last before leaving office – into a success, he will need to convince Kang
and others – who will be steering the ship going forward – that big changes
are worth the risk.

There is resistance too from international NGOs, who fear they could be cut
out of the supply chain. It may also come from governments, who have yet to
buy into the WHS process (UN member states will ultimately have to approve
any major changes to the multilateral system). So far, governments have
been largely on the sidelines of the WHS process, which – unlike most major
UN frameworks – is intentionally not government-led.

Publically, they are supportive. “We are looking for solutions,” Abdul
Qadir Baloch, Pakistan’s Minister for States and Frontier Regions, told the
participants of last week’s consultation in Dushanbe. “You will give us the
solutions we are looking for.” But privately, they are sceptical. One
diplomat told me his government was intentionally staying out of the
process to ensure it wouldn’t be bound by its outcomes.

Governments of developing countries in particular are wary of giving up
control over humanitarian assistance, currently mandated to them under
international
law <http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/46/a46r182.htm>. According to one
WHS facilitator, a ministry official from a South Asian country intimated
so much in one of the break-out sessions, saying: “You have no power in
your hands, so what are you even talking about?”

By the last day, participants were ready to point to the elephant in the
room. “How can we ensure a true multi-stakeholder WHS if governments insist
on remaining in full control and are not willing to delegate
responsibilities to other actors?” one participant asked during a plenary
session.

Localisation doesn’t only threaten the aid system, it threatens the entire
political order. “Is the Global North willing to give control to the Global
South?” another participant asked.

The answer may well be no, but for Mahmood, the summit will at least make
such hypocrisy visible for all to see. In her words: if no action follows
the recommendations that emerge from the summit, the lack of leadership
will be exposed.

But even if the recommendations come to nothing, one thing does remain. The
process itself has been cathartic. These consultations have forced the UN
to face criticism – publicly, consistently – and it hasn’t shied away.
Organisations have started looking inward and doing some soul searching
about – among other things – just how different today’s humanitarianism has
become.

For Mahmood, if the summit can “reignite this humanity that we’ve kind of
lost,” that will be something of a success. Perhaps for Raga and the people
of Jaffna as well.

ha/ag

Access report online <http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=101810>
------------------------------
*Can UN aid change? Q&A with top officials
<http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=101823>*

[image: lead photo]DUSHANBE, 5 August 2015 (IRIN) - In 2014, more than $23
billion was spent on crisis response. Yet in places like Syria and eastern
Ukraine, the international emergency aid system is still failing
<http://www.odihpn.org/humanitarian-exchange-magazine/issue-59/humanitarianism-besieged>
those most in need.

The multilateral humanitarian response machinery has never been under so
much pressure to reform <http://www.alnap.org/resource/20327> – to become
more flexible, more transparent, better meet the needs, make better use of
resources, and more effectively build on local capacity.

But can such a large apparatus change?

The World Humanitarian Summit
<http://www.irinnews.org/report/101157/the-world-humanitarian-summit-talking-shop-or-game-changer>,
a global UN-led process to reshape aid delivery, is nearing the end of its
consultative phase. On the sidelines of the last of the regional
consultations, held in the Tajik capital Dushanbe, IRIN’s Managing Editor
Heba Aly spoke to two senior UN officials about whether their institutions
can truly change.

IRIN proposed several ways that UN humanitarianism could evolve to Ertharin
Cousin, head of the world’s largest aid agency, the World Food Programme,
and Kyung-wha Kang, Assistant Secretary-General of the UN’s humanitarian
coordination body, OCHA.

Their responses suggest change will be incremental, at best. (For more on
the mood as WHS consultations wrap-up, see our Editor's Take
<http://www.irinnews.org/report/101810/editor-s-take-the-view-from-dushanbe>
).

*Go Local*

One of the biggest themes to emerge from the WHS consultations is the need
to “localise”: to put local communities – not external actors – at the
centre of decision-making around crisis response. In order to transfer
power to local communities, will WFP and OCHA fundamentally change the way
they do business?



*An unequal humanitarian economy *

Part of the move towards localisation means changing the way humanitarian
response is funded. As IRIN has highlighted
<http://newirin.irinnews.org/the-humanitarian-economy/>, large
organisations like WFP receive the vast majority of the funds, leaving
local groups with little money, and thus little influence. Will that
change? And will the big players be more transparent about just how much
they do give to local organisations?

*Political appointments *

The UN has long been criticised for assigning its top jobs to the permanent
members of the Security Council, with the heads of WFP, the World Health
Organization, the peacekeeping department and the office of humanitarian
affairs filled by appointees from the US, China, France and the UK
respectively. One request to emerge from WHS consultations is to make UN
leadership more universal, an idea Kang supported.

Cousin, on the other hand, was more circumspect, even defensive.

 *Security Council reform *

At their core, most humanitarian problems have political causes. Should
humanitarian issues be removed from the Security Council to avoid
politicisation? What of the suggestion to develop an independent
humanitarian council to address such questions?

 *Revolution or evolution? *

The World Humanitarian Summit promised bold ideas to improve humanitarian
response. But is an aid revolution too much to ask? Does the international
aid system need to be dismantled altogether? And can these organisations
foresee a day in which they no longer need to exist?



ha/ag

Access report online <http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=101823>
------------------------------
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