What happened in Berlin’s informal meeting

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*A Summary of What Took Place in Berlin in the Informal Negotiations
between the SPLM-N and the Sudan Government*

By Yasir Arman

In the formal negotiations organized by the AUHIP and hosted by the German
government on 22-23 January, we addressed partial and tactical issues such
as the cessation of hostilities and the preparatory meeting. However, in
those meetings, we did not focus on the ultimate goal of the political
process (the end game). This required that each side put its cards on the
table, which allowed the SPLM-N to put forward its demands in an open
atmosphere. At the same time, informal negotiations allowed the Sudan
government to show the extent of its readiness to pay the dues for this
process.

On the other hand, informal negotiations are by nature non-binding, except
if an agreement is reached.

The recent informal negotiations took place directly between the two
delegations without the presence of the mediators inside the room, although
they were present in the vicinity of the talks.

We set out our aims clearly, we were positive towards the other side, and
we gave detailed proposals on different issues, which have never been
reciprocated by the government side. Despite this, they clearly rejected
our demands. Our purpose of having the informal negotiations is clear. It
does not include having secret or bilateral deals as has been rumored.

*The Asks of the SPLM-N:*

*Open Humanitarian Access:* Taking into account Darfur’s experience and the
regime’s control of humanitarian access and the weakness of the UN
institutions in Sudan, we have called, in accordance with international
humanitarian law, for diversified humanitarian access internally from
Alubayid and Aldamazin, externally from Ethiopia and South Sudan and by air
from Kenya. Access needs to be negotiated by the parties to the conflict
not to be left for the United Nation agencies, which are implementation
agencies. Given the long suffering of the civilian populations in the Two
Areas, denial of access for 5 years, which constitutes a war crime in
international humanitarian law, the SPLM-N will call for the need to
separate the humanitarian issues from the political track and the
humanitarian not be tied to any political agendas, in accordance with
international humanitarian law. We call for the right of citizens to
receive humanitarian assistance according to international humanitarian
law. We demand that the regime is not to be allowed to subject the
humanitarian issue to any political agenda or to a time-buying policy.

*A Second New Phase of a Credible National Dialogue:* We proposed to the
government that it concludes its current Friendship Hall dialogue in
Khartoum and that it holds a preparatory meeting with the participation of
Sudan Call forces, Reform Now Movement, and with the consultation of other
opposition sides in order to begin a second and new phase of the dialogue.
We also proposed that the government accepts that the dialogue be
facilitated and supervised by the AUHIP, and that a suitable position be
made available for President Bashir within the dialogue structure given
that he is the one who called for it. We stressed on the importance of
having facilitators from the AUHIP given that they will be the ones
presenting their reports to the AU, the AUPSC, the UNSC, and relevant
international organizations by the end of the dialogue. These tasks cannot
be performed by President Bashir. Moreover, Bashir is the head of a party
participating in the dialogue and cannot act as both judge and opponent. In
the round of the Addis Abba informal talks, the government delegation asked
that they consult the President and now they have rejected these proposals
in Berlin.

*New Security Arrangements for the SPLA-N and a Professional Army for the
Country not the Party:*

First, the SPLM-N supports the creation of one Sudanese national army that
mirrors Sudan’s diversity and serves national interests.

Second, we called for deep reforms in the current army and in its military
doctrine so that it defends Sudan and not to engage in internal wars
against Sudanese. The politicization process of the military institution,
which has led to the expulsion of its best officers, must be stopped. The
army must be for the country not for the party so that the SPLM-N forces
could integrate into one Sudanese army, and that these reforms include all
security sectors.

Third, the SPLM-N is to be redeployed in the Two Areas, a joint defense
board to be established within the process of building one army and until
the implementation of the political agreement and the reform of the Armed
Forces were confirmed. The government delegation refused this and called
for an immediate integration of the SPLA-N in a maximum period of one year.

*Autonomy for the Two Areas: *
The SPLM-N is committed to the unity of Sudan based on new foundations.
What matters to us regarding the issue of autonomy is not the name but the
content: special arrangements for the Two Areas are required, with
legislative and executive powers stated in the national constitution.
Resources are to be allocated for development and administration, local
wealth to be distributed between the centre and these regions and issues of
citizenship, land and others are to be resolved within the framework of the
national constitutional process. The government delegation alleged that
they did not understand these demands.

*Simultaneous Ending of the War in the Two Areas and Darfur: *
The SPLM-N insists on a synchronized stopping of the war in the Two Areas
and in Darfur. This would be beneficial to the people, the economy,
politics and external relations. The government delegation however is after
a partial solution which will not be attained.

*Relation between Religion and the State: *
The SPLM-N proposed that the state stands at an equal distance from all
religions. Practice has revealed the falseness of using religion and
religious slogans in order to monopolize power, disseminate corruption and
oppress people. Citizenship equality cannot be attained without the
establishment of a civic, democratic state which does not accept religious
discrimination or religious manipulation. We are for equal citizenship
without discrimination. This will be a key element in any future national
dialogue we engage in.

*What Have We Reached in the Informal Negotiations? *
We have come to the conclusion that the current political process is not
genuine and lacks credibility. It is being used to reproduce the regime and
to buy time. All our positive proposals have been rejected. This places us
in a positive stance before our people, the mediators and the regional and
international communities. As we have stated before, the SPLM-N will put
forward new ideas before the Sudanese forces of change aimed at developing
a political position that is in line with our people’s interests and that
puts an end to the time-buying process.

*Negotiations:*
Some call upon us to reject the negotiations. Refusing negotiations means
rejecting the resolutions of regional and international organizations and
refusing to discuss the humanitarian issue. We are the only political
organization responsible for managing the affairs of more than one million
citizens in the liberated areas and a significant part of the international
borders with two neighboring countries. Rejecting negotiations will allow
the regime to shirk its responsibilities, and it will involve the SPLM-N
into regional and international complications. Hence our decision is to
negotiate, to fight and to carry out a popular uprising. Fighting is
imposed on us. We understand that without giving lessons to others nor do
we accept to be given lessons in this regard. We offer martyrs and it is
from them that we learn our lessons first and foremost before learning them
from anyone else.

*A New Opportunity to Consolidate the Unity of the Opposition: *
The obstruction of the political process and the failure of the so-called
national dialogue in Khartoum, the continuation of war, the stifling
economic and livelihood crises, the failure of the external normalization
of relations despite the participation in the Yemen war, the divisions
within the interest groups in the NCP and most of all our people’s strong
desire for change all represent a new opportunity to consolidate the unity
of the change forces around a minimum level program and a unified
leadership to overthrow the regime as long as they are refusing a
comprehensive peaceful settlement.

*The author is the secretary general of the Sudan People’s Liberation
Movement-North (SPLM-N) and the chief negotiator for the peace talks with
the Sudanese government. *

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